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1 files changed, 243 insertions, 196 deletions

diff --git a/subnature.otx b/subnature.otx
index bd0ebd1..a39490f 100644
--- a/subnature.otx
+++ b/subnature.otx
@@ -529,287 +529,334 @@ shorter and shorter time frame upon socio-economic decisions.
 cycles determine a global dynamic of environmental simplification
 which amplifies the technical interventions and domination
 of nature on a world scale. International differences in
-
-t0 urban-slum plant relocation centers, these newly “liberat-
-ed” workers provide an inexhaustible source of the cheapest
+\dq{income} (read hierarchical power advantages) force a global
+dynamic of rapid economic development for all.\fnote{22} Low income
+countries are forced by rising food prices, especially in areas
+already subject to declining food production, to pursue desperation
+techniques that further degrade the land and create
+competition for scarce capital between the competing goals of
+agriculture, industry, and energy. The response now viewed as
+necessary is, for example, greater technical interventions into
+agricultural production where the present commodity values
+determine decision-making to the exclusion of ecological consequences.
+Hence, monocultural crop simplifications, loss of
+soil nutrients, and increases in pressures upon water resources,
+all compound to further force the less developed nations of
+the world to push for immediate increases in their incomes in
+order to continue the use of these high-energy technical interventions.
+These lead to deforestation, over-grazing, destructive
+cropping practice, desertification, and salination (water
+depletion through increased irrigation), and loss of genetic
+plant and animal resources as wild habitats are destroyed.
+The ultimate consequence of such \dq{neutral} applications of
+science to ever more powerful interventions in agricultural
+production is an intensification of the income gap between the
+less and more developed countries and an even greater desperation
+that leads to worse ecological interventions to meet
+immediate needs.\fnote{24}
+
+The logic of management and development imposed by an
+international economic system forces the immediate evaluation
+of all resources as present commodities. Economic rationality
+presumes that the commodification of the environment---as
+the costs of producing a resource and bringing it to markets---also
+ makes ecological sense. This logic of commodification is
+also extended to pollution, where the polluter-pays principle
+supposedly will restrict levels of pollution.\fnote{25} But, the ecologically
+ necessary components---such as genetic variety supplied
+by wild habitats---do not have any commodity value in pres-
+ent market evaluation. They are \dq{external} to the costs of
+private production.
+
+Despite growing awareness of environmental dangers, the
+dynamic of the international economic system has become
+ever more disruptive since the middle of the 1960's when the
+post-World War II economic boom ended. Since then, declining
+output, overcapacities, stagnating rates of investment in
+the developed core of an international economy, have led to a
+new entrepreneurial strategy based upon investments in the
+rationalization of the production process, both within core
+economies as well as in planned plant relocations in less
+developed countries. This new strategy for maintaining capital
+accumulation on a world scale simply utilizes the greater
+technical power that new forms of transportation and
+communications provide, while also sub-dividing the production
+process so that cheap labor can be used with little or no
+cost of either training or being responsible for the work force.
+New operational breakdowns of manufacturing processes
+permit the use of unskilled or semi-skilled workers over which
+the plants have more control and less costly responsibility.
+
+The human costs of this new international division of labor
+is greater insecurity for labor forces throughout the international
+economy. Workers in core industrial-market societies
+experience more unemployment, plant closings and, in some
+cases, loss of their acquired professions too. The dynamic in
+less developed nations is tied into the uneven development
+pattern where the modernization of agriculture increases production
+at the cost of destroying traditional rural communities
+and subsistence forms of survival. Forced into migration
+to urban-slum plant relocation centers, these newly \dq{liberated}
+workers provide an inexhaustible source of the cheapest
 and most exploitable labor.
 
-However, the plant relocations arc part of the forces of
-under-development in thar this industrialization is oriented
-only to production for export. Local purchasing power s too
-lowto ticinto thismodernized sector and thus a dual cconomy
-is maintained. Dependency begins however when such coun-
-tries atempt to provide the infrastructure needed for plant
-relocations (i.e., water, cnergy, roads, airports, ctc.) because
+However, the plant relocations are part of the forces of
+under-development in that this industrialization is oriented
+only to production for export. Local purchasing power is too
+low to tie into this modernized sector and thus a dual economy
+is maintained. Dependency begins however when such countries
+attempt to provide the infrastructure needed for plant
+relocations (i.e., water, energy, roads, airports, etc.) because
 they hope they can realize benefits from it. But use of capital
 surplus generated from the modernized agricultural sector to
 try to finance industrial development puts additional strains
-upon rapid agricultural growth (with all the associated envi-
-ronmental problems mentioned above) while actually deplet-
-ing and stagnating the rural social community and cconomy.
-
-What Western cconomists arc only now beginning to rec-
-ognize is thac development of natural resources is mainly an
-ccological problem that requires the recognition of bio-
-cconomic limits. This, of coursc, docs not include the recent
-brands of cconomics that have emerged to renew late capital-
-ist cxpansion (e.g., monctarists, “supply-side™ cconomics).
-The problem with these new instruments of cconomic guid-
-ance is that they have no awarcness of the bio-cconomic
-contexts of cconomic processes and scem to assume that the
-price mechanism can create matter and energy, prevent eco-
-logical crises, and stop social conflicts that derive from the
-incqual distribution of natural resources and the knowledge
-and tools nceded to develop them. e
-
-Not least of all in these cycles of cconomic and wehni
-pressures upon the carth is the growing desperation of newly
-prolctarianized workers everywhere. Increasingintensification
-of social conflict and wars has led o increased militarizauon
-and police violence. The dis-cconomies of this global cco-
-nomic rationalization cxpand with cvery new phase of
-“modernization” of the knowledge and tools used by “under-
-developed™ peoples.
-
-“This global dynamic of enforced domination of nature and
+upon rapid agricultural growth (with all the associated environmental
+ problems mentioned above) while actually depleting
+  and stagnating the rural social community and economy.
+
+What Western economists are only now beginning to recognize
+ is that development of natural resources is mainly an
+ecological problem that requires the recognition of bio-economic
+ limits. This, of course, does not include the recent
+brands of economics that have emerged to renew late capitalist
+ expansion (e.g., monetarists, \dq{supply-side} economics).
+The problem with these new instruments of economic guidance
+ is that they have no awareness of the bio-economic
+contexts of economic processes and seem to assume that the
+price mechanism can create matter and energy, prevent ecological
+ crises, and stop social conflicts that derive from the
+inequal distribution of natural resources and the knowledge
+and tools needed to develop them.\fnote{26}
+
+Not least of all in these cycles of economic and technical
+pressures upon the earth is the growing desperation of newly
+proletarianized workers everywhere. Increasing intensification
+of social conflict and wars has led to increased militarization
+and police violence. The \e{dis-}economies of this global 
+economic rationalization expand with every new phase of
+\dq{modernization} of the knowledge and tools used by \dq{under-developed} peoples.
+
+This global dynamic of enforced domination of nature and
 international divisions of labor is a story that can be told from
-the point of view of the expanding system’s “stability”—or
+the point of view of the expanding system's \dq{stability}---or
 from the point of view of coercions upon the subsistence
-forms of human survival which icuproots (de-territorializes).”
-This global dynamicis created by theinterests of the metropoles
-over the interests of villagers, peasants, rural communiics,
-dependent unskilled workers, ctc. on an international scale.
-Rather than assume that the developed world’s techniques are
-essential for “human survival” (which means more than min-
-imal biological needs, since it involves cultural belicfs about
+forms of human survival which it uproots (de-territorializes).\fnote{27}
+This global dynamic is created by the interests of the metropoles
+over the interests of villagers, peasants, rural communities,
+dependent unskilled workers, etc. on an international scale.
+Rather than assume that the developed world's techniques are
+essential for \dq{human survival} (which means more than minimal
+ biological needs, since it involves cultural beliefs about
 the good life), the encounters of developed-nondeveloped
 worlds can be narrated from the point of view of those who
 are nor yer dislocated from subsistence forms. The relevance
-of this perspective is not to advocate a “no-growth” and
-“de-modernization” idcology but to begin from a situation
+of this perspective is not to advocate a \dq{no-growth} and
+\dq{de-modernization} ideology but to begin from a situation
 where human survival demands an active participation in
-nature and thus where a new form of “devclopment™ can be
+nature and thus where a new form of \dq{development} can be
 experimentally innovated. These contexts have the sense of
 place (which mobile wage-laborers have usually lost) and
-collective identity that s cssential for active resistance to new
+collective identity that is essential for active resistance to new
 phases of modernization in the interest of outside structures.
 Advocacy research that can demonstrate where the hidden
-social costs of “socializing” production imply increasing the
-chances of de-terricorialization (i.e., greater dependency) and
-irreversibleenvironmental destruction, and de-colonialization
-movements can be indentified and supported. In these arcas
-
-m
-12
-
+social costs of \dq{socializing} production imply increasing the
+chances of de-territorialization (i.e., greater dependency) and
+irreversible environmental destruction, and de-colonialization
+movements can be indentified and supported. In these areas
 experimental models of eco-development can and are being
 created that discover multiple-use of local resources, identify
 sustainable yields that meet the needs of local peoples, while
 encouraging self-reliance and symbiosis between people and
-nature.** This means participation in the natural forces that
+nature.\fnote{28} This means participation in the natural forces that
 make life possible in ways which are compatible with their
 permanent sustainability (e.g., renewal energy sources) both
 locally and globally. Participation in nature does not mean
-delusions of “self-sufficiency,” or ascetic “voluntary simplici-
-ty,” or reactionary ideologies of “survivalism,” but active
+delusions of \dq{self-sufficiency,} or ascetic \dq{voluntary simplicity,}
+or reactionary ideologies of \dq{survivalism,} but active
 appropriation of technical knowledge of renewable energy,
 food production, health care, full use of indigenous co-operative
 forms as well as political networking with other groups.
 Collectively these efforts form an alternative of eco-development
-and “reinhabitation.”®
+and \dq{reinhabitation.}\fnote{29}
 
 Thus, a sphere of emancipation not generally recognized is
-latent in the “ecology movement’s” rejection of the existing
-hicrarchies of international and internal colonization of sub-
-sistence forms of production and socialization. A democratiza-
-tion of technical learning would unify at the level of everyday
+latent in the \dq{ecology movement's} rejection of the existing
+hierarchies of international and internal colonization of subsistence
+forms of production and socialization. A democratization
+ of technical learning would unify at the level of everyday
 practice a problem-solving approach that is compatible with
-houschold and local survival and the eco-system’s carrying
+household and local survival and the eco-system's carrying
 capacity. This approach is already implied by efforts to create
-counter-movements in science (such as the “appropriate”
-technology movement) and can be recognized in the Ameri-
-can population shifts of the 1970’ which signaled a significant
+counter-movements in science (such as the \dq{appropriate}
+technology movement) and can be recognized in the American
+ population shifts of the 1970' which signaled a significant
 return to rural living. What is less visible is the growth of
-subsistence exchange networks (the “underground barter econ-
-omy”) which increases the flexibility and availability of
+subsistence exchange networks (the \dq{underground barter economy})
+which increases the flexibility and availability of
 resources to the many categories of subsistence life-styles.
 
-To realize, as Ivan lllich’s insights document, that the unre-
-cognized pre-condition for the possibility of wage-labor is
-“shadow-work”—or the enforced forms of labor that com-
-plement wage-labor such as “house-work,” the forced con-
-sumption of schooling, accreditation, or other activities required
-for “job-holding.” These forms of unpaid servitude emerged
-simultancously with the enclosures of commercial capitalism
-which had created a major conflict of domestic and “public”
+To realize, as Ivan Illich's insights document, that the unrecognized
+ pre-condition for the possibility of wage-labor is
+\dq{shadow-work}---or the enforced forms of labor that complement
+ wage-labor such as \dq{house-work,} the forced consumption
+  of schooling, accreditation, or other activities required
+for \dq{job-holding.} These forms of unpaid servitude emerged
+simultaneously with the enclosures of commercial capitalism
+which had created a major conflict of domestic and \dq{public}
 spheres of existence. The result was a new economic interest
-in the sex-coupling of female shadow-workers and male wage-
-workers that replaced more equitable forms of subsistence
-work for both sexes.30
+in the sex-coupling of female shadow-workers and male wage-workers
+ that replaced more equitable forms of subsistence
+work for both sexes.\fnote{30}
 
-Illich’s thesis is that the bifurcation of work in the modern
+Illich's thesis is that the bifurcation of work in the modern
 era into wage-labor and shadow-work, which has been
-unnoticed by Marxists and Liberals, constitutes an intensi-
-fication of modern society’s “war against subsistence.” Marx’s
+unnoticed by Marxists and Liberals, constitutes an intensification
+of modern society's \dq{war against subsistence.} Marx's
 notion of international capitalism forming an irreversible
-contextof world-history receives asignificant contextualization
-by lllich’s naming of the form of domination that falls through
+context of world-history receives a significant contextualization
+by Illich's naming of the form of domination that falls through
 the Marxist categories. Marx effectively accepts Ricardo's
-theory of the comparative advantage of an international spe-
-cialization of production, and in doing so, affirms the civiliz-
-ing impact of capital despite the exploitation of poor nations
-by the national economics of the “developed™ world. That
-unequal economic exchange creates dependencies interna-
-tionally (and within national economies) indicates that the
+theory of the comparative advantage of an international specialization
+of production, and in doing so, affirms the civilizing
+impact of capital despite the exploitation of poor nations
+by the national economics of the \dq{developed} world. That
+unequal economic exchange creates dependencies internationally
+(and within national economies) indicates that the
 actual advantages of the higher productivity of capitalist
-production and wage-labor must now be balanced by system-
-atic analysis of the real increase in use-values given the hidden
-costs of shadow-work and ecological destruction, The costs
+production and wage-labor must now be balanced by systematic
+analysis of the real increase in use-values given the hidden
+costs of shadow-work and ecological destruction. The costs
 of shadow-work can be recognized as a major burden placed
-upon the majorities within the “developed world™ too—in
-the form of endless schooling for job-holding and long peri-
-ods of private accumulation for a capital-intensive houschold.
-
+upon the majorities within the \dq{developed world} too---in
+the form of endless schooling for job-holding and long periods
+of private accumulation for a capital-intensive household.
 In so far as this can be documented, it will show that the real
 dominations of modernity are the destructions of subsistence
 activity and the enforced dependencies of wage-labor and
 consumer lifestyles.
 
-Subsistence activity begins with a self-reliance and self-
-determination in the meeting of human needs that is also
-aware of the co-evolutionary need for nature’s patterns to
-“subsist™ t0o. Adoption of subsistence strategies of adapta-
-tion to the environment maximize social flexibility and eco-
-logical diversity, while also eluding the endless desire for new
-commodities that seems to be the motivational glue of mod-
-ern commodity-intensive worlds. What has been called the
-“counter-cultures” by both apologists and critics fails o grasp
+Subsistence activity begins with a self-reliance and self-determination
+in the meeting of human needs that is also
+aware of the co-evolutionary need for nature's patterns to
+\dq{subsist} t0o. Adoption of subsistence strategies of adaptation
+to the environment maximize social flexibility and ecological
+ diversity, while also eluding the endless desire for new
+commodities that seems to be the motivational glue of modern
+ commodity-intensive worlds. What has been called the
+\dq{counter-cultures} by both apologists and critics fails to grasp
 their unique basis in subsistence production of use-values.
-While sociological essayists condemn these practices as com-
-munal ideologies that seek “pseudo-gemeinschaft” or are
-“parasites” on the prevailing social systems, they fail to reflect
+While sociological essayists condemn these practices as communal
+ideologies that seek \dq{pseudo-\e{gemeinschaft}} or are
+\dq{parasites} on the prevailing social systems, they fail to reflect
 upon the split between wage-labor and shadow-work that their
 own academic careers presuppose.
 
 Eco-development and re-inhabitation movements are the
 theory and practice that could make a difference for parts of
-the “third world™ and for enclaves of the fourth world. Within
+the \dq{third world} and for enclaves of the fourth world. Within
 modern political states, the very same movements are often
-viewed as “de-centralization strategies.” But the more effec-
-tive language is no longer socio-political but ecological con-
-cepts of bioregions, watersheds, and eco-systems. These units
-represent real “unmovable capital® which can be defended
-against the forces that would commodify them as “natural
-resources” and abandon them to centralized management
+viewed as \dq{de-centralization strategies.} But the more effective
+ language is no longer socio-political but ecological concepts
+  of bioregions, watersheds, and ecosystems. These units
+represent real \dq{unmovable capital} which can be defended
+against the forces that would commodify them as \dq{natural
+resources} and abandon them to centralized management
 decision-making processes. The point of indigenous, or
 re-inhabitation settlement, is to claim the rights of inhabited
-placeagainst corporatenatural resource planningasjustifiable
+place against corporate natural resource planning as justifiable
 resistance to colonially occupied territories. Here is where
-“mediating structures” are really needed that would provide
+\dq{mediating structures} are really needed that would provide
 state resources for local employment to define multiple use
 and sustained yield potentials of a bioregion as well as to
-provide access to legal due process. Because “property rights™
+provide access to legal due process. Because \dq{property rights}
 are basically the norms of use agreed upon by law, the strategy
 of eco-development will require systematic transformation of
 the norms of property use as part of the rights to liberty of
-citizens. An ecologically rational society cannot emerge with-
-outa politically concrete understanding of the need for extend-
-ing the normative regulations that protect the democratiza-
-tion of social practice. Here is another area where a
-counter-movement in the (social) sciences is a necessary pre-
-condition for a realizable alternative future.
-
-Critical social scientists beginning from the existing pra
-tice of, say, the feminist or ecology movements, may make it
+citizens. An ecologically rational society cannot emerge without
+a politically concrete understanding of the need for extending
+the normative regulations that protect the democratization
+of social practice. Here is another area where a
+counter-movement in the (social) sciences is a necessary precondition
+for a realizable alternative future.
+
+Critical social scientists beginning from the existing practice
+of, say, the feminist or ecology movements, may make it
 more possible to radicalize and guide experimental practice
 by constructing models of democratization that anticipate
 more universal and reflexive forms of learning. The existing
-strategies for “self-management™ of productive organizations
-could be recast in terms of the “communicative rationaliza-
-tion™"! of decision-making processes, and how these may be
+strategies for \dq{self-management} of productive organizations
+could be recast in terms of the \dq{communicative rationalization}\fnote{31}
+of decision-making processes, and how these may be
 more discursively open to participation. Societally the notion
 of communicative democratization is also helpful for the
 modeling of more open policy formation processes in which a
 discursively formed debate could challenge the technocratic
-suppression of publics, Inmanent critiques of societal processes
+suppression of publics, Immanent critiques of societal processes
 of compromise and consensus formation could radicalize
 existing political struggles for democratization in America
 such as:
-
-(a)  the forming of parallel structures that can provide advocacy
-
-services for depoliticized policy spheres;
-
-13
-(b) the forming of resource networks that can act collectively on
-local or wider issucs;
-
-(©)  the use of advocacy and network forms to support the crea-
-tion of voluntary associations of all kinds that can empower
-people to solve their own problems.
-
-In these cases, analysis of the blocks to democratization can
-be measured against the openness of consensus achieved with-
-out force. A social ecological limit to the democratic forming
-of the goals of society rests upon the legitimacy of the non-
-coerced processes by which they are formed.
+\begitems\style a
+*   the forming of parallel structures that can provide advocacy services for depoliticized policy spheres;
+* the forming of resource networks that can act collectively on local or wider issues;
+*   the use of advocacy and network forms to support the creation of voluntary associations of all kinds that can empower people to solve their own problems.
+\enditems
+In these cases, analysis of the blocks to democratization can be measured against the openness of consensus achieved without force. A social ecological limit to the democratic forming of the goals of society rests upon the legitimacy of the \e{non-coerced} processes by which they are formed.
 
 An overall consequence of this communicative notion of
-democratization is to resolve the 19th century antinomy of
+democratization is to resolve the 19\textsuperscript{th} century antinomy of
 socialist and anarchist principles of the political versus the
 social revolutions. It makes possible a reconciliation of a
-de-centralizing practice that increases local and/or regional
-autonomy—while also providing a notion of rational consen-
-sus formation which can be extended by the operations of
+de-centralizing practice that increases local and\slash or regional
+autonomy---while also providing a notion of rational consensus
+formation which can be extended by the operations of
 both scientific communities and socio-political processes. The
-rationalization of communicative learning, like anarcho-
-communist libertarianism, sees the dissolution of social force
-that prevents the conscious resolution of conflicts as the “mech-
-anism” for the creation of more appropriate forms of free-
-dom. What has been missing in anarchist libertarianism is the
-capacity to move beyond the heroism of the deed and antici-
-patemoreuniver. ble forms of democratization. Conversel
-what has been missing in orthodox Marxist “productivism™
-is a criterion for emancipation that goes beyond the self-
-validating ideology of “socialist authority.” While anarchists
-cffectively view all past forms of “justice™ as corrupted and
+rationalization of communicative learning, like anarcho-communist
+libertarianism, sees the dissolution of social force
+that prevents the conscious resolution of conflicts as the \dq{mechanism}
+for the creation of more appropriate forms of freedom.
+ What has been missing in anarchist libertarianism is the
+capacity to move beyond the heroism of the deed and anticipate more universalizable
+forms of democratization. Conversely
+what has been missing in orthodox Marxist \dq{productivism}
+is a criterion for emancipation that goes beyond the 
+self-validating ideology of \dq{socialist authority.} While anarchists
+effectively view all past forms of \dq{justice} as corrupted and
 destroyed and only the present authenticity of affinity-groups
-as consistent with libertarian futures, they fail in their concep-
-tion of how these “islands of liberation” relate to wider social
-and political processes.2
+as consistent with libertarian futures, they fail in their conception
+of how these \dq{islands of liberation} relate to wider social
+and political processes.\fnote{32}
 
-A
+\sec V
 
-Thedynamic of global development and the counter-potential
-of eco-development and re-inhabitation defines a conflict poten-
-tial central to the current international economic develop-
-ment as well as internal to core nation-states. For example in
+The dynamic of global development and the counter-potential
+of eco-development and re-inhabitation defines a conflict potential
+ central to the current international economic development
+  as well as internal to core nation-states. For example in
 the United States the energy crisis era has resulted in regions
-that have been designated “zones of national sacrifice™ (by the
+that have been designated \dq{zones of national sacrifice} (by the
 National Academy of Science). In these areas, such as
 Appalachia and the American Indian reservations, from Mexico
 to South Dakota, designation of such zones justifies energy
-corporation colonization as a national necessity. The exten-
-sivedomination exercised by corporations over thelife chances
-of mountaincers and Indians has been hidden behind the
-claims that these areas arc the major coal and uranium resources
-of the country. In both cases, the images of “backward cul-
-tures” and the need to integrate the regions into the national
+corporation colonization as a national necessity. The extensive
+domination exercised by corporations over the life chances
+of mountaineers and Indians has been hidden behind the
+claims that these areas are the major coal and uranium resources
+of the country. In both cases, the images of dq{backward cultures}
+ and the need to integrate the regions into the national
 economy are used to justify a colonial practice thar basically
-leaves the area’s people more dependent and their land
+leaves the area's people more dependent and their land
 irreversibly damaged. In both areas, resistance to ecological
-destruction and re-affirmation of ethnic identity create move-
-ments for protection of rural and/or tribal culture. These
+destruction and re-affirmation of ethnic identity create movements
+ for protection of rural and\slash or tribal culture. These
 areas (and others such as parts of the northwest) are the
-internal third worlds of the United States and represent criti-
-cal bioregions where central economic policy directly contra-
-dicts the needs of human survival. Here, as in other colonialized
-parts of the world, the possibility of human survival (and
-eco-system sustainability) does not depend upon administra-
-tive and cconomic rationalizations, but upon the democrati-
-zation of knowledge and tools on the one hand and the
-activation of rehabitation and de-colonization movements on
+internal third worlds of the United States and represent critical
+ bioregions where central economic policy directly contradicts
+  the needs of human survival. Here, as in other colonized
+parts of the world, the possibility of \e{human} survival (and
+ecosystem sustainability) does not depend upon administrative
+ and economic rationalizations, but upon the democratization
+  of knowledge and tools on the one hand and the
+activation of rehabitation and decolonization movements on
 the other.
 
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