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| author | p <grr@lo2.org> | 2025-01-23 19:39:45 -0500 |
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| committer | p <grr@lo2.org> | 2025-01-23 19:39:45 -0500 |
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thesis ch2
| -rw-r--r-- | plato_time.otx | 1436 |
1 files changed, 399 insertions, 1037 deletions
diff --git a/plato_time.otx b/plato_time.otx index f3ac104..32a8f63 100644 --- a/plato_time.otx +++ b/plato_time.otx @@ -609,16 +609,14 @@ old in the new. In the first chapter, it was stated that an attempt will be made in this study to verify the hypothesis that -the Timaeus is a late dialogue in which Plato significantly - - +the \ul{Timaeus} is a late dialogue in which Plato significantly reformulates his earlier doctrines of eternity, image, and -time. It was stated that the hypothesis was to be investigated by dividing it into two logically interrelated +time. It was stated that the hypothesis was to be investigated +by dividing it into two logically interrelated aspects; first, the order of the dialogues will be established and their relative chronology will be documented; second, the doctrines of the late dialogues will be - -traced insofar as they develop the tripartite theme ofr +traced insofar as they develop the tripartite theme of eternity, image, and time. It was said that the first aspect relied upon @@ -631,56 +629,39 @@ that some knowledge of the order or Plato's dialogues is needed in order to interpret them intelligently, and so the chapter which discusses how the scholars established this order precedes the chapter which discusses Platonic -doctrine. : +doctrine. It should be stated at the outset that one cannot - - simply assume that a dialogue which was composed later - - - - - than another is therefore necessarily a more mature work. This is precisely what must be demonstrated. In this chapter, the chronology of the dialogues is ascertained insofar as this is possible by citing the conclusions of -those scholars who have specialized in the use of stylistic criteria. If one establishes the chronological +those scholars who have specialized in the use of stylistic +criteria. If one establishes the chronological order of composition there is a valid presumption that -it also representa some sort of development in doctrine. +it also represents some sort of development in doctrine. If, then, one shows in addition that the doctrines developed follow an ascending order of reflection, the -point is made. ‘thus, the arguments are not independent +point is made. Thus, the arguments are not independent of each other. If it can be shown that there is a development of doctrine which can be traced through the late dialogues, then it can be shown that this progression facilitates - - -comprehension of the doctrine of the Timaeus. More - - +comprehension of the doctrine of the \ul{Timaeus}. More specifically, the themes of eternity, image, and time - can be traced through the late dialogues only after one knows which dialogues are late and in what order they should be read. Thus the chronology of the dialogues - and the progression of doctrine are not separate items but logically interrelated aspects of a larger argument. It would be possible to postulate an order for the dialogues which would support the view that the doctrine -of the Timaeus is a culmination, and each scholar could +of the \ul{Timaeus} is a culmination, and each scholar could do this without reference to non-interpretative criteria. - - -‘But, in this way, so many different postulates would ensue - - - +But, in this way, so many different postulates would ensue that it would become impossible for scholars to reach any agreement among themselves. This in fact is what happened when doctrinal criteria alone were used, and it resulted @@ -693,13 +674,9 @@ the conclusion that the relation of the dialogues to each other had no bearing on their respective doctrines, since each scholar might postulate a different chronology. But Plato himself contradicted this view in those of his - - dialogues which refer to each other, as, for example, in - - -the Timaeus, which refers to the Republic almost explicitly -by repeating ‘ciods doctrines of the HKepublic which are +the \ul{Timaeus}, which refers to the \ul{Republic} almost explicitly +by repeating those doctrines of the \ul{Republic} which are found nowhere else in those of Plato's written works which have come down to us. @@ -712,119 +689,68 @@ Plato's own description of his life and his travels is presented. By drawing from each of these sources, one can compile a composite picture of the criteria by which the order of the dialogues can be established, without - - reference to an interpretation of Piato's thought. It will - - - be shown that all of these sources lead to the conclusion that there is a group of dialogues which are later than -others, and that the Timaeus is the latest of this group. - - +others, and that the \ul{Timaeus} is the latest of this group. In the next chapter, it will be shown that the doctrinal interpretation of these dialogues leads to a greater -insight into the doctrine of the imaeus. +insight into the doctrine of the \ul{Timaeus}. +\secc The Traditional View -I_The Traditional View -Writing in his "Commentary," A.E. Taylor presents - - -an impressive list of ancients who authenticate the Timaeus +Writing in his \et{Commentary,} A.E. Taylor presents +an impressive list of ancients who authenticate the \ul{Timaeus} as Plato's work. He cites Aristotle's references to -passages of the Timaeus and the fact that Aristotle refers -to the Timaeus as a completed dialogue. In addition to +passages of the \ul{Timaeus} and the fact that Aristotle refers +to the \ul{Timaeus} as a completed dialogue. In addition to reminding us that Aristotle may be presumed to know the works of his teacher, Taylor cites, in regard to the - - -authenticity of the Timaeus, the testimony of Theophrastus, - - +authenticity of the \ul{Timaeus}, the testimony of Theophrastus, Plutarch, Chalcidius, Xenocrates, Crantor, Poseidonius, -Procius, Plotinus, Boethius, Cicero, and Diogenes Laertius, ! +Procius, Plotinus, Boethius, Cicero, and Diogenes Laertius,\pnote{1.1} This list is offered against the view of Schelling, who -contended that the Timaeus was spurious, and by it, - -taylor demonstrates that those who do not recognize the -Timaeus as authentic are in the decided minority. There is +contended that the \ul{Timaeus} was spurious, and by it, +Taylor demonstrates that those who do not recognize the +\ul{Timaeus} as authentic are in the decided minority. There is little need to recapitulate all of the scholarship on each -of these authors’ claims and it is certainly sate to regard - - +of these authors' claims and it is certainly sate to regard Taylor's scholarship in these matters as impeccable. - -. ' avs. Taylor, commenter on Plato's iimaeus -(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1928), pe. 4. - - -te - - To this List, Cornfrord adds the names of Galen, Theon, Derclydes, and Adrastus, who not only knew the -Zimaeug to be Plato's own but in addition agreed that it +\ul{Timaeus} to be Plato's own but in addition agreed that it was the work of Plato's maturity. Summing up his own argument, Cornford says, "All the ancient Platonists from Aristotle to Simplicius, all the medieval and modern scholars have assumed that this dialogue contains the -mature doctrine of its author." Again it seems unnecessarv +mature doctrine of its author."\phnote{1.2} Again it seems unnecessary to repeat the details of Cornford's scholarship which may, like Taylor's, be regarded as impeccable. Both authors - - -state that the ancients regarded the Timaeus as Plato's - - +state that the ancients regarded the \ul{Timaeus} as Plato's mature work. But the testimony of the ancients is hardly sufficient -to establish beyond doubt that the Timaeus is both Plato's +to establish beyond doubt that the \ul{Timaeus} is both Plato's work, and, in addition, a work of Plato's old age. Citing the ancients lends a great deal of support to the claim - - -that the Timaeus is authentic, but the claim that it is a - - +that the \ul{Timaeus} is authentic, but the claim that it is a late work bears closer scrutiny. This is especially true in view of the fact that, at one time, a lively controversy - - -with regard to the alleged maturity of the Timaeus took - - +with regard to the alleged maturity of the \ul{Timaeus} took place among the scholars. Between the time of the ancients and the moderns, -the Timaeug was not unknown. Jaeger presents a short and -terse history of the Timaeus in the middle ages. Beginning - - -2 ¥F.M. Cornford, Plato's Cosmology, p. viii. - - - - - -with the fact that Plato's Timaeus deeply influenced - - +the \ul{Timaeus} was not unknown. Jaeger presents a short and +terse history of the \ul{Timaeus} in the middle ages. Beginning +with the fact that Plato's \ul{Timaeus} deeply influenced Augustine, and through Augustine, the whole of the middle ages, and continuing through the Renaissance by way of the Byzantine theologian and mystic Gemistos Plethon, who brought Plato to the Quattrocento, Jaeger also describes the treatment Plato received at the academy of the Medicis, - - where Marsilius Ficinus taught from the text of the - - -Timaeug." - +Timaeus.\pnote{1.3} Jaeger notes a change in the eighteenth century, when Schleiermacher seems to have resuscitated a Plato who @@ -832,75 +758,42 @@ was nonetheless very much alive. However, theretofore, Plato had been regarded as a mystic and as a theologian whose doctrine was as systematic and systematized as the Aristotelianism of the Schoolmen. Plato was regarded only -as the author of the theory of ideas." +as the author of the theory of ideas.\pnote{1.4} -According to Jaeger, it was Schleierzacher's +According to Jaeger, it was Schleiermacher's contention that the form which a philosophy took was a creative expression of the philosopher's individuality, and it was Plato's genius, he thought, to dramatize, and to - - use philosophy as a "continuous philosophical discussion - - -aimed at discovering the truth. "> - - -> Werner Jaeger, Paideia: The Ideals of Greek -Culture (3vols.; New York: Oxford University Press, -1943), II, pp. 77, 78. - -4 Ibid., p. 78. - - -> Ibid., p. 79. - - - +aimed at discovering the truth."\pnote{1.5} Immediately after Schleiermacher's view became -known, there followed a period during which the philological investigation of every last minute hypothesis of +known, there followed a period during which the philological +investigation of every last minute hypothesis of Plato's was undertaken with the painstakingly precise attention for which philologists are deservedly famous. However, it soon became evident that the forest was being obscured by the trees. - -It remained for C.F. Hermann® - - -to regard the problems -of authenticating not only the authorship but the chronology of Plato's dialogues as of paramount importance, and +It remained for C.F. Hermann\pnote{1.6} to regard the problems +of authenticating not only the authorship but the chronology +of Plato's dialogues as of paramount importance, and Jaeger tells us that Hermann came to regard the dialogues -as "stages in the gradual development of Plato's philosophy."? Thus Hermann brought "into the center of interest -@& problem which had hitherto been little considered, and +as "stages in the gradual development of Plato's philosophy."\pnote{1.7} +Thus Hermann brought "into the center of interest +a problem which had hitherto been little considered, and gave it much greater importance. This was the problem of -the dates at which the several dialogues had been written, "8 +the dates at which the several dialogues had been written.\pnote{1.8} Since various authors developed differing opinions on the dating of the dialogues by using doctrinal criteria alone, 4t was the task of philology and researches into stylistic - - differences and minute characteristics of language to fix - - the date of composition as exactly as possible. +\secc The Stylistic Controversy -© o.F. Hermann, Geschichte und 8 m der -Platonischen Phil EOUONTy 1e30), in Jaeger, -oS ae Pe 79. - -T Jaeger, Op, cite, p. 79. - -5 tpad., p. 80. - - - -II The Stylistic Controversy | - -T. Gomperz presents an entire chapter on the question -of the authenticity and order of Plato's dialogues.? He +T. Gompers presents an entire chapter on the question +of the authenticity and order of Plato's dialogues.\pnote{1.9} He makes a good summary of some of the chief difficulties to be encountered in an evaluation of the results of the whole stylistic controversy, and gives evidence of how and to @@ -915,133 +808,85 @@ with the need to know the order of the dialogues, but, also, they were left with a need to construct methods of establishing the chronology, with no hints from Plato or the Academy as to which methods would prove the most -fruitful, 1° +fruitful.\pnote{1.10} Initially, each man interpreted the dialogues in what he felt was the logical order of Platonic philosophy. But this produced almost as many logical orders as there were interpreters. -According to Gomperz (and others, including Jaeger) - - +According to Gompers (and others, including Jaeger) it was Schleiermacher who first attempted to find his own - - -9 Theodor Gomperz, eyock thinkers, trans. G.G. Berry -(London: John Murray, 1905). - - -10 Ipad., pe 275. - - - way out of this myriad of opinions. By viewing Plato's doctrine developmentally, and, starting with Aristotle's -guarantees as to certain authentic passages and chronologies, he set about constructing an orderly arrangement of +guarantees as to certain authentic passages and chronologies, +he set about constructing an orderly arrangement of the dialogues. However, this attempt got off to a wrong start because, since only approximately half of Aristotle's works are extent, it became possible for some to construct what was called the argument from silence, i.e., those works of Plato which Aristotle did not mention might be -regarded as spurious. !! Gomperz points out that this was +regarded as spurious.\pnote{1.11} Gompers points out that this was really an excess of Platonic zeal since it included only -those works which Aristotle claimed were Plato's best. '* -Notwithstanding these efforts, Gomperz states that - - -even in ancient tradition, the Laws were regarded as Plato's - +those works which Aristotle claimed were Plato's best.\pnote{1.12} +Notwithstanding these efforts, Gompers states that +even in ancient tradition, the \ul{Laws} were regarded as Plato's last work. Campbell then perceived that there were -stylistic similarities between the Laws and the Timaeus -and the Critias, including the fact that some 1500 words +stylistic similarities between the \ul{Laws} and the \ul{Timaeus} +and the \ul{Critias}, including the fact that some 1500 words were used in these works which do not appear in any of -Plato's earlier works.!> In addition, these works appear +Plato's earlier works.\pnote{1.13} In addition, these works appear last on the list of Plato's works which was kept by Aristophanes of Byzantium, the Librarian of Alexandria. - - -But these are not final criteria. Gomperz asks "...is not - - -11 Ibid., p. 278. - - -12 Ipad. -15 Ipaa., pp. 279, 283. - - - -an author's ‘advance,’ his progress towards perfection +But these are not final criteria. Gompers asks "...is not +an author's 'advance,' his progress towards perfection the surest criterion for the chronological arrangement of his works"? He answers his own question in the affirmative, but reminds us that this road leads to diverse and varied interpretations of "advance," because there are so many -possible meanings for this tern. '* +possible meanings for this term.\pnote{1.14} For these reasons, the stylistic methods were tried. -Describing them as "linguistic...and verbal statistics, "!5 -Gomperz lists some of the criteria employed: - -@. number and use of particles - -b. new words and phrases - -c. certain formulae of affirmation and negation - -d. special superlatives !© +Describing them as "linguistic...and verbal statistics,"\pnote{1.15} +Gompers lists some of the criteria employed: +\begitems\style a +* number and use of particles +* new words and phrases +* certain formulae of affirmation and negation +* special superlatives\pnote{1.16} +\enditems He goes on to say that the use of these criteria produced "astonishing agreement between many different - - -investigators."!7 They noted that the style of the Laws, - - +investigators."\pnote{1.17} They noted that the style of the \ul{Laws}, known to be late, (from other sources) was very similar to -the style of the Timaeus, Critias, Sophist, Statesman, and -the Philebus. - +the style of the \ul{Timaeus}, \ul{Critias}, \ul{Sophist}, \ul{Statesman}, and +the \ul{Philebus}. He concludes: - -The determination of the chronologically separate - - -14 Ipda., p. 284. -'5 Ipaa., p. 285. -16 psa, - -17 Ibid., p. 286. - - - - +\Q{The determination of the chronologically separate groups and the distribution among these groups - -of the {individual dialogues...are problems - +of the individual dialogues...are problems which may be regarded as finally solved; the - more ambitious task of settling the chronological - order within all the groups cannot yet be said to - -have been completed. ! +have been completed.\pnote{1.18}} However, Jaeger claimed, -This method, in its turn, was at first successful; -but it was later discredited by its own exaggerations. It actually undertook, by the purely +\Q{This method, in its turn, was at first successful; +but it was later discredited by its own exaggerations. +It actually undertook, by the purely mechanical application of language tables, to -determine the exact date of every dialogue.19 +determine the exact date of every dialogue.\pnote{1.19}} Before entering into this lively controversy, it is necessary to distinguish a few crucial points; otherwise, Jaeger's claim that the movement discredited itself will not -be intelligible. First, let it be noted that it 1s sometimes impossible to distinguish very well between the +be intelligible. First, let it be noted that it 1s sometimes +impossible to distinguish very well between the date of composition of a dialogue, that is, the period of time during which Plato is said to have actually written down his thoughts, and the date at which the dialogue @@ -1051,34 +896,23 @@ to indicate that a dialogue was actually composed in the late period of Plato's life, one cannot simply equate a late doctrine and a late writing. This distinction is necessary if one is to assert that the doctrine of the -Timaeyus is a late formulation in Plato's life, and, as our +\ul{Timaeus} is a late formulation in Plato's life, and, as our documentation will attempt to indicate, both the formulation - - -of doctrine and the actual composition of the Jimacus seem - - -~ Ibid., p. 287. 19 Jaeger, loce cit. - - - - - +of doctrine and the actual composition of the \ul{Timaeus} seem to be very late, according to the sources available to us. But one cannot jump immediately from the conclusion that a dialogue was written late to the conclusion that its doctrine is therefore, on that basis alone, a late doctrine. It should be pointed out in this regard that we have no - way of knowing whether Plato did or did not compose in the last years of his life, dialogues whose doctrine and style we should call early or middle doctrines. Like anyone else, he might incorporate in late writing what he had formulated much earlier. Although it is unlikely that Plato set early or middle doctrines down on paper in his late years, it is -aimost impossible to establish this unlikelihood to a +almost impossible to establish this unlikelihood to a degree of satisfaction which would entirely eliminate -controversy. For example, the last few pages of the Philebus +controversy. For example, the last few pages of the \bt{Philebus} seem not to be in the same style or in the doctrinal spirit as the rest of the dialogue. It may well be that this dialogue was left unfinished by Plato, and was completed by @@ -1087,24 +921,16 @@ was accomplished by an academician whose insight and doctrinal leaning corresponds to what we should call the middle period of Plato's philosophy. -However, in the instance of the imaeus, it is claimed +However, in the instance of the \ul{Timaeus}, it is claimed here that both the doctrine and the composition of the dialogue are to be placed in the last years of Plato's life, and that it was probably a late doctrine, because it - - was composed late. These are the two sides or halves of the - - -ks - - - argument which we are following in the attempt to verify our hypothesis. On the one hand, if the dialogue was written late, we have probable grounds to infer that ite doctrine is a late one. But it is unwise to conclude only -from its late composition that the Timaeus contains a late +from its late composition that the \ul{Timaeus} contains a late view. In addition to establishing its date of composition one must examine its doctrine, to see whether it reveals a more developed form of Plato's later thought. Having made @@ -1112,112 +938,68 @@ this distinction, it is now possible to pass in review the main points of the stylistic controversy, whose protaganists and antagonists tried by what we are calling non-interpretative criteria, to establish the late date of -composition of the Timaeus. +composition of the \ul{Timaeus}. -Campbe112° presents a brief outline of the history +Campbell\pnote{1.20} presents a brief outline of the history of attempts to date the dialogues. He recounts how Schleiermacher was so assured that Plato had a complete system of philosophy to expound that there must have been a pedagogical order of the dialogues which Plato intended so that his students could gradually master his philosophical -systen. +system. Campbell says that Schleiermacher's conception of a "complete system gradually revealed" was a stirring one - - which caused a renaissance of Platonic scholarship. Later, - - -20 L. Campbell, "Plato," Encyclopaedia britannica, -llth ed., Vol. XXI, pp. 808-824. - - - - - C.F. Hermann's statement that the gradual development of Plato's thought in the dialogues was not a pedagogical -gradualism but reflected the slow maturation and development of Plato's mind, brought about a quickening of -interest beyond even that which Schleilermacher had precipitated. Ueberweg discerned that the Sophist and the -Statesman must be placed between the Republic and the Laws - - +gradualism but reflected the slow maturation and development +of Plato's mind, brought about a quickening of +interest beyond even that which Schleiermacher had precipitated. +Ueberweg discerned that the \ul{Sophist} and the +\ul{Statesman} must be placed between the \ul{Republic} and the \ul{Laws} on the basis of Hermann's view. Ueberweg and other Hegelians -felt that the non-being of the Sophist represented a -dialectical advance over the Republic and welcomed the +felt that the non-being of the \ul{Sophist} represented a +dialectical advance over the \ul{Republic} and welcomed the chance to demonstrate this point of view by mapping out - -the dialogues in a series of dialectical advances, -! Grote, -on the other hand felt so strongly that the Protagoras was +the dialogues in a series of dialectical advances.\pnote{1.21} Grote, +on the other hand felt so strongly that the \bt{Protagoras} was Plato's most mature doctrine that he discounted the chronological attempts of Schleiermacher, Hermann, and Ueberweg. Campbell adopted a different method of reasoning. -Starting with the conclusion that the Laws remained +Starting with the conclusion that the \ul{Laws} remained unedited because Plato died before he could do so himself, -and noting that the Laws contains a reference to the death +and noting that the \ul{Laws} contains a reference to the death of Dionysius Il, and inferring from the tone and style of -the Laws that it is almost a monologue and represents a +the \ul{Laws} that it is almost a monologue and represents a departure from the Socratic dialogues, and adding the agreement of the Ancients with his own view, Campbell - - -21 Ipid., p. 810. - - - -‘concluded that the Laws is probably the last of Plato's - - -works. Then, Campbell reasoned that both the Timaeus and - - -the Critias presuppose the Republic, and both resemble - - -the Laws in style and tone. Thus they should both precede -the Laws. Since the Sophist and the Statesman seem to - - -belong together, he placed the Philebus between them and -the Timaeus and Critias. So, Campbell concluded, the order - - -of the late dialogues must be begun at the Sophist, and -followed by the Statesman, Philebus, Timaeus, Critias, and - - -Laws. ° He says, in addition, that Dittenberger and Ritter +concluded that the Laws is probably the last of Plato's +works. Then, Campbell reasoned that both the \ul{Timaeus} and +the \ul{Critias} presuppose the \ul{Republic}, and both resemble +the \ul{Laws} in style and tone. Thus they should both precede +the \ul{Laws}. Since the \ul{Sophist} and the \ul{Statesman} seem to +belong together, he placed the \ul{Philebus} between them and +the \ul{Timaeus} and \ul{Critias}. So, Campbell concluded, the order +of the late dialogues must be begun at the \ul{Sophist}, and +followed by the \ul{Statesman}, \ul{Philebus}, \ul{Timaeus}, \ul{Critias}, and +\ul{Laws}.\pnote{1.22} He says, in addition, that Dittenberger and Ritter followed him in taking this view, and that Lutoslawski -later reached the same conclusions. —> Jaeger says that he +later reached the same conclusions.\pnote{1.23} Jaeger says that he himself reached these same conclusions by another route. - - -He also agreed with Campbell that the Parmenides, and - - -Theatetus immediately precede the Sophist. - +He also agreed with Campbell that the \ul{Parmenides}, and +\ul{Theatetus} immediately precede the \ul{Sophist}. It should be pointed out that Campbell's chain of -reasoning depends on the placement of the Laws as the last +reasoning depends on the placement of the \ul{Laws} as the last of the dialog'es, and this placement does not rest exclusively on non-interpretative bases, since it includes the criterion of the tone and style of Plato's language. One must have at least a comprehension of the tones and styles of the language in which Plato wrote and some - - knowledge of the relation of style to the content which - - -22 Ipig. -23 Ip4a. - - - is expressed by language. To avoid confusion, it is necessary to define certain terms as they are employed in this study. By stylistic criteria, I mean the use made by @@ -1227,7 +1009,8 @@ attempt on Plato's part to have his passage read more smoothly and without unnecessary interruptions. Such devices as the avoidance of hiatus and the use of anacoluthic sentence endings are here called stylistic. -The term stylometry refers to the application of statistical procedures to the number of particles in a paragraph, +The term stylometry refers to the application of statistical +procedures to the number of particles in a paragraph, or to the frequency of certain words in one dialogue as against another; clearly, it carries metric connotations, and necessitates only the sort of competence which can @@ -1236,338 +1019,195 @@ reader must understand what he reads, the stylometric reader ought to avoid understanding the passage he subjects to statistical criteria. A similar difference could be found between counting a number of unknown -objects, which, by analogy, would represent the stylometric method, and concluding that the objects so counted +objects, which, by analogy, would represent the stylometric +method, and concluding that the objects so counted are a strange lot of objects, which be analogy, would represent the stylistic method. It is one thing to count the number of clausulae and quite another to notice that a passage reads more smoothly because of the presence of a -number of clausulae. Thus objections to the use of stylometric scholarship need not carry equal weight if referred | - - - +number of clausulae. Thus objections to the use of stylometric +scholarship need not carry equal weight if referred to stylistic scholarship. It would be impossible, for -example, to put words of the Laws into a computer and - - -arrive at the conclusion that the Laws 1s a late dialogue, - - +example, to put words of the \ul{Laws} into a computer and +arrive at the conclusion that the \ul{Laws} 1s a late dialogue, without at the same time programming into the computer the criteria according to which one says that a certain language style is late or early. There are similar studies concerning the language of Homer in progress at Columbia University, and there too, the criteria of "lateness" -must be agreed upon before the "purely mechanical application of language tables to determine the exact date of +must be agreed upon before the "purely mechanical application\ +of language tables to determine the exact date of every dialogue" is undertaken. Thus, Campbell's argument -should read as follows; if the Laws is agreed to be last, +should read as follows; if the \ul{Laws} is agreed to be last, then the remainder follows on stylistic grounds. And it should be tallied against Jaeger that the placement of the -Laws as last does not rest on "purely mechanical" criteria. -This conclusion bears directly on the question of - - -the chronology and the relation of the Seventh Letter to - - -the Timaeus, because the Seventh Letter contains a - +\ul{Laws} as last does not rest on "purely mechanical" criteria. +This conclusion bears directly on the question of +the chronology and the relation of the \bt{Seventh Letter} to +the \ul{Timaeus}, because the \ul{Seventh Letter} contains a description of certain events in Sicilian politics in which, Plato was directly involved. These events were significant experiences for Plato, and their impress is discernible - -in certain passages of the Timaeus. Detailed comment on the +in certain passages of the \ul{Timaeus}. Detailed comment on the impact of the Sicilian journeys on the doctrine of the -Timaeus will be reserved for the discussion of the - -doctrine of the-Timaeus in the fourth chapter. Suffice - -4t here to point out that the autobiographical material -Which the Seventh Letter makes available was taken over - - -= 40 -by the stylists,-" 25 and added to their attempts to : +\ul{Timaeus} will be reserved for the discussion of the +doctrine of the-\ul{Timaeus} in the fourth chapter. Suffice +it here to point out that the autobiographical material +Which the \ul{Seventh Letter} makes available was taken over +by the stylists,\pnote{1.24}\tss{,}\pnote{1.25} and added to their attempts to establish the order of the avavoedee: Again, this shows that the stylistic criteria cannot be viewed as "purely machanical." On the one hand this limite the extent to -which stylistic criteria may be said to be non-interpretative; on the other hand, since interpretative sources +which stylistic criteria may be said to be non-interpretative; +on the other hand, since interpretative sources enter into stylistic researches, it seems to add to the reliability of stylistic criteria in establishing the order of the dialogues. A.E. Taylor says that the real impetus for the - - -stylometric method was received from Campbell's groundbreaking edition of the Sophist and Statesman, and that - - +stylometric method was received from Campbell's groundbreaking +edition of the \ul{Sophist} and \ul{Statesman}, and that Dittenberger, Ritter, and Lutoslawski continued and extended Campbell's efforts, but, he adds, these scholars were able to agree further that there was a definite break -in style between the Theatetus and the whole group of -dialogues Which Campbell had called the late group. However, Taylor says that the stylometric tabulations, while +in style between the \ul{Theatetus} and the whole group of +dialogues Which Campbell had called the late group. However, +Taylor says that the stylometric tabulations, while they could establish whole groups of dialogues which shared a style, could not effectively establish the order +of dialogues within a given group.\pnote{1.26} - -of dialogues within a given group. °° - - -24 U.v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Platon,I (2d ed.; -Berlin: Weidman, 1920), in Jaeger, op, cit., p. 80. - - -25 Jaeger, Op. cit., p. 84. - -26 A.E. Taylor, "Plato," Encyclopaedia Britannica, -agar (Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., 1957), -pe 49. - - -Le - - -Af It is interesting to follow A.E. Taylor's shifting - emphasis and reliance on the stylistic researches. In the - -article which he wrote for the Britannica, ! Taylor says - - -there are no stylistic grounds for placing the Timaeus - - +article which he wrote for the \bt{Britannica},\pnote{1.27} Taylor says +there are no stylistic grounds for placing the \ul{Timaeus} late in the order of Plato's dialogues. However, in the -Commentary on the Timaeus, -° there is a rather extensive +\bt{Commentary on the Timaeus},\pnote{1.28} there is a rather extensive description of the stylistic and stylometric criteria and @ rather extensive reliance on both of them, albeit -accompanied by a critique. Later, in Plato, the Man and -his Work, "2 there is a recapitulation of the stylistic +accompanied by a critique. Later, in \bt{Plato, the Man and +his Work},\pnote{1.29} there is a recapitulation of the stylistic criteria and a somewhat limited reliance upon them. One can only conclude that Taylor did not deem it worthwhile -to inform the readers of the Britannica on the intricasies +to inform the readers of the \bt{Britannica} on the intricasies of the stylistic controversy. Nevertheless, in all these -works, Taylor concludes that the Timaeus is the work of +works, Taylor concludes that the \ul{Timaeus} is the work of Plato's last years. It is informative therefore, to read Taylor's -description of the satylistic criteria. He summarizes those +description of the stylistic criteria. He summarizes those used to establish the late group as follows: +\begitems\style n +* a reduction of dramatic style +* a lesser role for Socrates +* the presence of a lecture +* periodic versus poetic style\pnote{1.30} +\enditems -1. @ reduction of dramatic style - -2. a lesser role for Socrates - - -3. the presence of a lecture - - -27 Ipid. -28 A.E. Taylor, Commentary, p. 4. - - -29 alm Taylor, Plato: The Man and His Work (6th -ed.;3 Aa print.; New York: Meridian Books, Inc., 1959), -(Pe 436. - - - - -4, periodic versus poetic style-0 He says, in addition, that the last dialogue which bears -the marks of Plato's earlier style must be the Theatetus, -and that he shares this view with Ritter"! and -Lutoslawek1.>* +the marks of Plato's earlier style must be the \ul{Theatetus}, +and that he shares this view with Ritter\pnote{1.31} and +Lutoslaweki.\pnote{1.32} A.E. Taylor's recapitulation of the stylistic criteria is especially interesting in view of the fact that he follows Burnet rather carefully, and yet Burnet states, "I have ventured to assume the results of the stylistic researches inaugurated by Lewis Campbell in -1867.""2 It is also interesting to note that Burnet, like +1867."\pnote{1.33} It is also interesting to note that Burnet, like taylor, refers to these researches as stylistic and not stylometric, which indicates that he is not willing to go so far as Lutoslawski's application of calculus to the frequency of hiatus and the use of clausulae in Plato's aQialogues. On the other hand, Burnet himself makes use of "stylistic" arguments when he notes that the early dialogues -make use of dramatic form and employ the person ot Socrates - - +make use of dramatic form and employ the person of Socrates centrally in that endeavor, whereas the later dialogues do - - -30 A.E. Taylor, Commentary, pe 4. - - - -Constantin Ritter, The Essence of Plato's -EnLiceophy, trans. Adam Alles (London: George Allen & -Unwin, Ltd., 1933). - - -32 W. Lutoslawski, Origi ad Growth of Plato's -Logig (New York: Longmans, rooey. - - -33 John Burnet, Greek Philosophy (London: Macmillan -& Co., Ltd., 1914), Part I, p. 212. - - - -80 with less and less emphasis on drama and on Socrates’ +so with less and less emphasis on drama and on Socrates' interlocutory role. On this basis Burnet too concludes -that the Timaeus is the work of Plato's old age, but - - -reserves decision as to whether the Philebus precedes it or - - +that the \ul{Timaeus} is the work of Plato's old age, but +reserves decision as to whether the \ul{Philebus} precedes it or not. -It 18 frequently recognized that Burnet, A.E. Taylor +It is frequently recognized that Burnet, A.E. Taylor and Cornford collectively form something of a school, and so it is appropriate to take Cornford's remarks on the order of the dialogues into account. This is especially - - -true since his translation of the Timaeus is the most - - +true since his translation of the \ul{Timaeus} is the most recent and constitutes a valuable synthesis of scholarly efforts to understand this dialogue. -In his Plato's Cosmology Cornford discusses the -dating of the Timaeug but makes only peripheral reference -to the stylistic criteria.-* He cites Wilamowitz 35 to the -effect that Timaeus speaks with an authoritative tone, and +In his \bt{Plato's Cosmology} Cornford discusses the +dating of the \bt{Timaeus} but makes only peripheral reference +to the stylistic criteria.\pnote{1.34} He cites Wilamowitz\pnote{1.35} to the +effect that \ul{Timaeus} speaks with an authoritative tone, and makes little use of the gently poetic questionings of Socrates. Cornford also cites Ritter to the effect that -the fourth person of the Timaeys is left unknown, perhaps -because Plato wanted to keep open the possibility of writing a fourth dialogue in the series. © - - -34 Gornford, op, cit. - - -35 Wilamowitz, Platon, I, p. 591, in Jaeger, -Op. cit., pe sO. - - -36 Constantin Ritter, Neve Untersuchungen uber -Platon (Munich: 1910), p. 181. - - - +the fourth person of the \ul{Timaeus} is left unknown, perhaps +because Plato wanted to keep open the possibility of writing a fourth dialogue in the series.\pnote{1.36} But Cornford, like Burnet and unlike A.E. taylor, makes little mention of the whole matter of stylistic dating. He assumes the results of the stylists but prefers to place - - -the Timaeus and Critias just before the Laws for reasons of - - +the \ul{Timaeus} and \ul{Critias} just before the \ul{Laws} for reasons of doctrine rather than for reasons of style. Ritter says that he learned most "from the English," meaning Burnet, Taylor, and Cornford, and that his own researches brought him into "remarkably close agreement... -with respect to their chronological determinations."-/ +with respect to their chronological determinations."\pnote{1.37} Briefly, his conclusions are theses there are six major groupings of dialogues, and the last group, composed of -the Sophist, Statesman, Timaeus, Critias, Philebus, and - - -Laws, must be late because a "careful study of the differences in language and expression" creates an "indubitable +the \ul{Sophist}, \ul{Statesman}, \ul{Timaeus}, \ul{Critias}, \ul{Philebus}, and +\ul{Laws}, must be late because a "careful study of the differences +in language and expression" creates an "indubitable means of determining their genuineness as well as the -approximate date of their appearance." >° In addition, he -says that there are changes in style and writing which +approximate date of their appearance."\pnote{1.38} In addition, he +says that there are changes in \e{style} and writing which are less precise but no less observable by the trained observer, and that perhaps the strongest of these considerations is the transition from the "poetic" style in the early works to the "didactic" style of the later - - -works.-? It 18 interesting to observe that when Zeller - - -3T Ritter, The Essence of Plato's Philosophy, p. 9. -38 tpia., pe 27. -39 tpid., pp. 29, 30. - - - -challenged Ritter to try the stylistic methods on a 7 -modern writer's works, whose chronology could be independantty verified, Ritter was able to arrive at the correct -chronology of the works of Goethe, 40 +works.\pnote{1.39} It is interesting to observe that when Zeller +challenged Ritter to try the stylistic methods on a +modern writer's works, whose chronology could be independantly +verified, Ritter was able to arrive at the correct +chronology of the works of Goethe.\pnote{1.40} Perhaps a summary of the stylistic controversy is - -in order at this point. "1 Briefly, it began with the +in order at this point.\pnote{1.41} Briefly, it began with the efforts of Schleiermacher to reveal what he felt was the pedagogical gradualiem of Plato's dialogues. But Hermann felt that the gradual development in the dialogues revealed not Plato's pedagogical process so much as the gradual growth of Plato's own insight. Campbell started with the -assertion that the Laws was the last work of Plato and -noted stylistic similarities between the Laws and a whole -group of dialogues, which included the Sophist, Statesman, -Philebus, Timaeus, and Critias. Ritter modified the - - +assertion that the \ul{Laws} was the last work of Plato and +noted stylistic similarities between the \ul{Laws} and a whole +group of dialogues, which included the \ul{Sophist}, \ul{Statesman}, +\ul{Philebus}, \ul{Timaeus}, and \ul{Critias}. Ritter modified the stylistic criteria and made them more precise, and arrived at astonishingly similar conclusions. In turn, Wilamowitz and Lutoslawski carried the work further (and perhaps to excess) by accomplishing stylometric word-counts and establishing frequency tables for the number of particles, clausulae, and hiatus. They too reached similar conclusions. - - It emerged that the comparison of styles of writing employed - - -4 Ross has summerized these results in tabular -form. See appendix A. - - by Plato in the dialogues could be used by several relatively independant scholars to reach agreement on the chronology of the dialogues, and, on this basis, it was - - -agreed that the Timaeus was a work of Plato's old age, - - -since the Timaeug and the Crjtias resembled the Laws, | - - +agreed that the \ul{Timaeus} was a work of Plato's old age, +since the \ul{Timaeus} and the \ul{Critias} resembled the \ul{Laws}, | more than any other work of Plato, in its style and composition. The researches of Burnet, Taylor, and Cornford assume these stylistic results and take them up into a - more comprehensive view of the dialogues. This however - - -does not alter their opinions that the Timaeus is the work - - +does not alter their opinions that the \ul{Timaeus} is the work of Plato's old age. Taylor and Burnet are uncertain whether - - -the stylistic methods can place the Timaeus after the - - -Philebus and conclude that if this is to be done it must - - +the stylistic methods can place the \ul{Timaeus} after the +\ul{Philebus} and conclude that if this is to be done it must be done on other grounds. More recent researchers have little or nothing to add to the stylistic probability that - - -the Timaeus is the work of Plato's old age. - +the \ul{Timaeus} is the work of Plato's old age. The criteria used by these authors are said to be non-interpretative, insofar as they refer to the use of @@ -1578,58 +1218,38 @@ Socrates in the various dialogues, do, to a certain extent, demand a degree of insight and interpretation of the style of the dialogues, and are used both as starting points for stylistic analyses and as parts of such analyses. They - - cannot be said to be purely mechanical, nor are they wholly - - - objective, but their use by what Ritter calls "trained observers" has led to a remarkably wide and detailed agreement on the part of scholars to the effect that the -Timaeug is the work of Plato's old age. +\ul{Timaeus} is the work of Plato's old age. Before we pass on to an examination of those details of Plato's biography which help to establish the sequence of the late dialogues, there is another point which deserves attention, and it is the matter of those dialogues which Zeller and Ritter call the "transitional dialogues, " - - -namely the Parmenides and the Theatetus. It is necessary - - +namely the \ul{Parmenides} and the \ul{Theatetus}. It is necessary to note that a number of those scholars who have constructed chronologies of the dialogues have reached agreement that these two dialogues must be placed after the works of -Plato's middle period, which include the Republic, and -before the last period, which begins with the Sophist. In +Plato's middle period, which include the \ul{Republic}, and +before the last period, which begins with the \ul{Sophist}. In the next chapter, the doctrinal significance of this placement will become evident. It is necessary here only - to document the assertion that reputable scholars have - - -agreed to place the Parmenides and Theatetus immediately - - +agreed to place the \ul{Parmenides} and \ul{Theatetus} immediately before the dialogues of the late period. -III Biographical Criteria -Up to this point, we have seen that there is a long - - -and honorable tradition which regards the Timaeus as the +\secc Biographical Criteria +Up to this point, we have seen that there is a long +and honorable tradition which regards the \ul{Timaeus} as the work of Plato's old age, and that atylistic criteria, used by a small but highly reputable number of Platonic scholars, -has brought about a condition of wide and detailed agreement that the Timaeus is Plato's work and that he wrote it - - -i - - -in his last few years +has brought about a condition of wide and detailed agreement +that the \ul{Timaeus} is Plato's work and that he wrote it +in his last few years. To these sources, let us now add a review of those details of Plato's life which may be useful in determining @@ -1653,71 +1273,43 @@ Plato was descended from an aristocratic family. His mother's first husband was Ariston who traced himself to Poseidon; her second husband was Pyrilampes, who related himself to Pericles. Plato's mother, Perictione, -was of the family of Solon. 42 - -' Plato had two brothers, Adeimantus and Glaucon, and - +was of the family of Solon.\pnote{1.42} +Plato had two brothers, Adeimantus and Glaucon, and a sister, Potone, whose son, Speusippus was therefore - - -42 alk. Taylor, "Plato," Encyclopaedia Britannica, -pp. 48-64. - - - - Plato's nephew as well as successor as head of the Academy. Plato was the youngest child in the family. *? According to Cicero, Plato's introduction to Archytas (the Strategus of Tarentum) was extremely fortunate since Archytas later rescued Plato from slavery, into which he -had been sold by Dionysius 11.44 the incident of Plato's -slavery was also recorded by Philodemus in his Index -Academicorum. "5 However, without the Seventh Letter it is +had been sold by Dionysius II.\pnote{1.44} the incident of Plato's +slavery was also recorded by Philodemus in his \bt{Index +Academicorum}.\pnote{1.45} However, without the \ul{Seventh Letter} it is not possible to set a precise date for this event. Cicero only tells us that Plato was in Sicily and that he was ransomed by Archytas from the slavery into which he had -been sola. *© +been sold.\pnote{1.46} After citing the well known details of Plato's birth and aristocratic lineage, Ritter reminds us that Plato was born during the Peloponesian war and that soon thereafter Pericles succumbed to the plague. Plato was six when peace was concluded with Sparta in 421 and he was fourteen, an - - Aimpressionable age, when the Athenian fleet was destroyed - - -43 Field, op. cit., p. 4. -a According to Field, Plato's benefactor was - - -Archytas (Field, op. cit., p. 16), but according to -Gomperz it was Anniceris (Gomperz, op. cit., p. 261). - - -45 Field, op. cit., p. 18. -46 Gomperz, op, cit., p. 261. - - - - -off Sicily. 47 +off Sicily.\pnote{1.47} In 405, when he was approximately twenty, Plato met Socrates, and Ritter tells us that even his exceptional education in the arts of drama and poetry were not enough to prevent Plato from committing his poetic works to the flames, since they were not up to the new philosophical -standards Socrates had impressed on nim, 48 +standards Socrates had impressed on him.\pnote{1.48} When "The Thirty" came to rule, Plato was asked to join with them, but he could not bring himself to take part in a regime which he felt to be responsible for the injustice of Socrates' death, so he went instead to Megara -for a few years. 49 +for a few years.\pnote{1.49} Plato also travelled to Egypt, Crete, Cyrene, and Italy and Sicily. The Sicilian travels were "of great @@ -1725,76 +1317,48 @@ significance" for Plato's philosophy. In addition to Archytas of Tarentum he met other Pythagoreans in Syracuse. It was during these travels that he also met Dion and Dionysius I. Plato was at this time fourty years old; Dion -was twenty and Dionysius forty-three, 99 - -Many years later, after the unfortunate and misconceived rivalry between Dion and Dionysius II, Plato was - +was twenty and Dionysius forty-three.\pnote{1.50} +Many years later, after the unfortunate and misconceived +rivalry between Dion and Dionysius II, Plato was sold into slavery at the island of Aegina but was soon - - -47 Ritter, The Essence of Plato's Philosophy, pp. 21, -22. - - -48 tpaa., p. 22. -49 Ipta., p. 23. © Abia. - - - ransomed, His benefactor refused reimbursement, so Plato took the sum and applied it to the purchase of a plot of ground in the gardens of Akademos, where the founding and administration of his school occupied his attention for the -next twenty years.>! +next twenty years.\pnote{1.51} In 367, Dionysius I dies and Dionysius II is advised by Dion to send for Plato. A rivalry takes place between Dion and Dionysius. Plato is allowed to return to Athens for the duration of the war in which Syracuse is engaged, on the promise that he will return as soon as it is over. -Plato leaves and Dion is banished. °2 +Plato leaves and Dion is banished.\pnote{1.52} Five years later, Plato returns. He tries, with less success than before, to have Dion reinstated. He returns again to Athens in 360. Three years later, Dion assembles an army and marches on Syracuse. He meets with some success -but is later assassinated. According to Ritter, 52 Plato +but is later assassinated. According to Ritter,\pnote{1.53} Plato mourns with deeper grief than he had for Socrates, although Ritter does not reveal the source of his information. In 347, Plato dies. Ritter says: "To the end of his - - life he was mentally alert and active and enjoyed the honour - - -51 Ip4d., p. 24. -52 Ibid., p. 25. -53 Ipid., pe 26. - - - -and respect conferred upon him by his circle of disciples." -By accepting the authenticity of the Seventh Letter, -Ritter is able to conclude that the Parmenides and the - - -Theatetus were written before Plato’s Sicilian adventures -and that the late dialogues were written thereafter. >> -Thus Ritter is of the opinion that the Parmenides and - - -Theatetus immediately precede the late group and should be - - +and respect conferred upon him by his circle of disciples."\pnote{1.54} + +By accepting the authenticity of the \ul{Seventh Letter}, +Ritter is able to conclude that the \ul{Parmenides} and the +\ul{Theatetus} were written before Plato's Sicilian adventures +and that the late dialogues were written thereafter.\pnote{1.55} +Thus Ritter is of the opinion that the \ul{Parmenides} and +\ul{Theatetus} immediately precede the late group and should be read before them, since, in this order, the changes in style -and doctrine between the Parmenides and the Jheatetus and +and doctrine between the \ul{Parmenides} and the \bt{Theatetus} and the late group became more clearly recognizeable. In short, the influence of Plato's Sicilian experiences can be - better discerned in the late group, and this influence is -not detectable in the Parmenjdes and Theatetus. +not detectable in the \ul{Parmenides} and \ul{Theatetus}. One final biographical point deserves attention before we pass on to a discussion of the relevance of @@ -1805,106 +1369,55 @@ relative influence of Socrates on Plato's life. While this problem seems at first sight to belong to a discussion of Plato's biography, actually it does not. While it is true to say that we have as little information - - -about the details of Socrates’ life as we have of Plato's, - - -o4 Ibid., pe 27. - - -55 Ritter cit., pp. 329 ff.; Untersuchungen -uber Platon (Stutheeres 1888 » pp. 88 ff, - - -() - - - -the fact is that we can only determine the influence of | +about the details of Socrates' life as we have of Plato's, +the fact is that we can only determine the influence of Socrates by examining Plato's thought. It is frequently asserted that Plato wrote in the dialogue form because he -held Socrates’ method of communication in such high esteem, +held Socrates' method of communication in such high esteem, and this is probably true. But there seems to be no information which could help us to determine whether the order of the dialogues was influenced by Socrates. It seems better to postpone this question until the next chapter, where we take up the doctrines of the dialogues, -and the influence of Socrates’ thought on Plato's doctrine. +and the influence of Socrates' thought on Plato's doctrine. It might be noted in anticipation that Plato does - - -give several hints, through the Parmenides, Theatetus, and - - +give several hints, through the \ul{Parmenides}, \ul{Theatetus}, and in the whole group of late dialogues, of the extent to which the doctrines of these dialogues are "beyond" Socrates, that is, ask the sort of questions which Socrates probably would not have asked. Let us pass, then, to a discussion of Plato's -Seventh Letter, which reveals in some detail how Plato's +\ul{Seventh Letter}, which reveals in some detail how Plato's Sicilian experiences influenced him. Such information will be useful in understanding some of the passages in the late dialogues. -IV. The Letters - -J. Harward °° has made a very useful compendium +\secc The Letters +J. Harward\pnote{1.56} has made a very useful compendium which contains an impressive amount of material on the - - -NE PIN SE IE TE ESI IT IT I I SE TS TC EIT OT DFAT I LEED TENE EEE - - -50 J, Harward, The Platonic Epistles (Cambridge: -The University Press, 1932). - - -L a - - - -Letters. He cites a number of ancients who regarded the i +\bt{Letters}. He cites a number of ancients who regarded the whole collection of Plato's letters as authentic, including -Diogenes Laertius, Plutarch, Lucian, Cicero, and Aristophanes the grammarian of Alexandria.o? Although Jowett 58 -followed Karsten 99 into the opinion that the entire lot +Diogenes Laertius, Plutarch, Lucian, Cicero, and Aristophanes +the grammarian of Alexandria.\pnote{1.57} Although Jowett\pnote{1.58} +followed Karsten\pnote{1.59} into the opinion that the entire lot was spurious, Harward says that the increasingly wide use of stylistic criteria soon dissipated the influence of their opinions. The stylists were thus able to overcome the views -of Jowett and Karsten 60 which were that the letters were +of Jowett and Karsten\pnote{1.60} which were that the letters were written in too lowly a style for them to be regarded as Plato's own, that the philosophical doctrine of the letters differs too widely from Plato's theory or Ideas, and that there are no sources from which we may conclude that Plato -was actually ever in Sicily.©! Wilamowitz was particularly +was actually ever in Sicily.\pnote{1.61} Wilamowitz was particularly strong in asserting the letters to be genuine, and his criteria were largely stylistic, that is, he was able to conclude that the satyle of the letters was not too lowly tor Plato, but was in fact written with many or the idioms - - and phrases which Plato favored in his late years. - -57 Harward, op, cit., p. 60. - - -58 B. Jowett, e Dialogues of Plato (3rd ed.; New -York: Scribner, Armstrong, Oe, 1 » preface. - - -59 H.T. Karaten, De Epistolis quae feruntur -Platonicis (Utrecht: 1864), in Harvard, Op, cit., Pp. 61. - -60 Harward, op. cit., pp. 71, 72. - -61 Field, op, git., p. 16. - - - Thus, there are few scholars today who would reject all the letters, although some scholars reject some of then, as we shall see. But in the main, the wave of scepticism @@ -1912,104 +1425,62 @@ has subsided. Thus, Harward is able to compile a list of scholars and tabulate which scholars accept which of the letters. - -The Seventh Letter in particular, has been accepted by - - +The \ul{Seventh Letter} in particular, has been accepted by Taylor, Burnet, Ritter, Hackforth, Wilamowitz, Souilhe, -Bury, and Field.©2 These scholars were able to agree +Bury, and Field.\pnote{1.62} These scholars were able to agree largely because of the stylistic criteria as applied to the letters. Harward discusses these criteria in some detail. He divides them into four groups, which include the following: -1. choice of words, including neologisms and +\begitems\style n +* choice of words, including neologisms and expressions Known to be current in certain years by reference to other authors. -2. word order, including inversions of normal +* word order, including inversions of normal word order, hiatus, elision, the use of clausulae -3. sentence structure, including extra paranthetic +* sentence structure, including extra paranthetic clauses, hanging nominatives, a string of terse, clipped unmodified verbs, following intuitional rather than strictly logical order. -4. circuitous mannerisms and tautologous phrases 63 -One notices that the foregoing criteria are neither +* circuitous mannerisms and tautologous phrases\pnote{1.63} +\enditems +\noindent One notices that the foregoing criteria are neither atrictly stylistic nor strictly stylometric. In order to make use of them i1t would be necessary to be a "trained observer" as Ritter says, and, in addition to noticing the - - presence of these devices of style, one could, if so - - -62 Harward, ope cit., p. 76. -63 Ibid., pp. 86-96. - - - inclined, make tables and count the frequency with which these mannerisms occurred. But the deeper point is that the most reputable Platonic scholars were able to agree -on the basis of these criteria that the Seventh Letter was +on the basis of these criteria that the \ul{Seventh Letter} was both genuine and late. Harward says "...the stylistic - - -features in common (between the Seventh Letter and the - - -Laws) are so striking that they stare the reader in the - - -face, "64 Ritter makes a similar comment when he says, "On - - -any unprejudiced reader it (the Seventh Letter) cannot - - +features in common (between the \ul{Seventh Letter} and the +\ul{Laws}) are so striking that they stare the reader in the +face,"\pnote{1.64} Ritter makes a similar comment when he says, "On +any unprejudiced reader it (the \ul{Seventh Letter}) cannot fail to produce the impression of the natural outspokenness -of a narrative of personal experience. "65 Cicero himself -says, "praeclara epistula Platonis ad Dionis propinquos..."66 +of a narrative of personal experience."\pnote{1.65} Cicero himself +says, "praeclara epistula Platonis ad Dionis propinquos..."\pnote{1.66} To these, Harward adds his own views since Plato regarded Kallipos as a "fiend incarnate," and since it was Kallipos who had Dion murdered, and since Kallipos wrote to Plato - of the death of Dion in 354, and since the death of Dion - -4s recorded in the letter, but the letter does not record +is recorded in the letter, but the letter does not record the death of Kallipos, which occurred a year later, it is -probable that the letter was written between 354 and 353,67 +probable that the letter was written between 354 and 353.\pnote{1.67} From all of these probabilities, Harward concludes that the - - -64 Ipia., p. 86. - - -65 Ritter, Neue Untersuchungen uber Platon, p. 408. -66 Tusc, Disp. V, 35, in Harward, op. cit., p. 189. -67 Harward, op, cit., p. 192. - - - -letter was composed after the Sicilian journeys and before : -the Laws. This places the letters in a setting which is +letter was composed after the Sicilian journeys and before +the \ul{Laws}. This places the letters in a setting which is either immediately before or contemporaneous with the - - -Timaeus. As we shall see after a discussion of the Seventh - - -Letter in detail, it is probable that it precedes the -Timaeus. - +\ul{Timaeus}. As we shall see after a discussion of the \ul{Seventh Letter} +in detail, it is probable that it precedes the +\ul{Timaeus}. Having shown on the basis of reputable scholarship - - -the authenticity of the Seventh Letter and its late - - +the authenticity of the \ul{Seventh Letter} and its late composition, I would like now to summarize its contents, in order to point out certain experiences Plato had -relevant to the doctrine of the Timaeus. +relevant to the doctrine of the \ul{Timaeus}. Plato begins by telling that his motive for visiting Sicily as the desire to see the people there freed by the @@ -2024,20 +1495,17 @@ had asked him to rule with them (324 b,c). But he declines because he sees that their rule, like most revolutionary regimes new in power, suffered excesses. These were particularly visible in these attempt to send Socrates on -a dishonorable mission (324 6). It was finally certain, +a dishonorable mission (324 e). It was finally certain, when Socrates was sentenced to death at the hands of this regime (325 c). Plato notes sadly that the older he gets the more he realizes the extreme difficulty of handling - - - -public matters (325 a). He noticed that not only the +public matters (325 d). He noticed that not only the written but the unwritten laws were extremely inflexible and therefore hard to mold. As a matter of fact, those in Athens struck him as incurable, and for the time, nothing -could be done (326 a). | +could be done (326 a). -We then read a small recapitulation of the Republic +We then read a small recapitulation of the \ul{Republic} doctrine of the philosopher-king. Plato tells his readers that the situation in Sicily, like the one in Athens, is so difficult that there will be no peace for the sons of @@ -2052,18 +1520,16 @@ succession of tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy (326 d). However, while there, he instructs the young Dion who is extraordinarily adept at this sort of learning, and Dion resolves to "live for the future" which of course -makes him terribly unpopular at the court (327 b,c) +makes him terribly unpopular at the court (327 b,c). However it is his hope that Dionysius will learn too, and in this way peace and happiness will be introduced (327 d). -This fitea in with Plato's desires not to be "only a man -of words" (328 aec) and, in addition, helps Plato to +This fits in with Plato's desires not to be "only a man +of words" (328 a--c) and, in addition, helps Plato to prove to himself that he does no dishonor to philosophy by -inaction (329 a). However, Dionysius does not devote himself to philosophy. Moreover, Dion is perceived as a - - - +inaction (329 a). However, Dionysius does not devote himself +to philosophy. Moreover, Dion is perceived as a threat and is expelled from the court. Plato becomes a -prisoner of the court (329 ced). Dionysius flatters Plato, +prisoner of the court (329 c--d). Dionysius flatters Plato, but Plato is aware that it is his status and not his philosophy which Dionysius desires (330 a). @@ -2072,32 +1538,28 @@ and tells them an allegory to the effect that the physician is to his patient as the philosopher is to the state, and that, just as the physician prescribes diet, so the philosopher prescribes laws and constitutions which will -eventuate in a good state (330 d-33!1 e). This too is -reminiscent of the Republic. Again we are told that the +eventuate in a good state (330 d--331 e). This too is +reminiscent of the \ul{Republic}. Again we are told that the good governor is he who frames good laws (332 b). To do -80, @ man must have loyal friends, and there is no surer +so, a man must have loyal friends, and there is no surer test of vice than a man without friends (332 c). Such a man is Dionysius, whose early years were hungry for want of education and proper training. Thus he was raised discordantly, and, beyond the fact that he is wrecking Sicily, the greatest poverty arises from his lack of -harmony with himself (332 a). Nevertheless, a way must be +harmony with himself (332 d). Nevertheless, a way must be found to free Sicily by the introduction of just laws (334c). A way might be found if only Dionysius can be brought to harmony with himself. If it is not possible to introduce order through Dionysius, then other means must be sought, for the source of light is the soul at harmony within the -man (335 aed). Plato's hope is high and his desire is +man (335 a--d). Plato's hope is high and his desire is strong, but the worst crime is comitted: Dionysius - - refuses (335 e). - - -- Thus the second venture ends worse than the first, +Thus the second venture ends worse than the first, due to a "fiendish" ignorance of matters of the soul and -of philosophy on the part of Dionysius (336 bec). +of philosophy on the part of Dionysius (336 b--c). We are reminded of the early lesson of the letter, i.e., that a period of temperance after a revolution is @@ -2105,7 +1567,7 @@ as rare as it is necessary. Perhaps it follows that this is the time when just laws should be enacted but it is unfortunately true that this is also the time when such an enactment is least possible. Perhaps this task will -remain for the future (356 e). +remain for the future (336 e). How should such laws come to be? Plato answers his own question by saying that only the best men can make @@ -2119,24 +1581,14 @@ of philosophy. Archytas and his Tarentine circle of Pythagoreans implore Plato by letter, and one, Archydemos, even accompanies the trireme which is sent to supply Plato's passage. In order not to betray Dion and his other -Tarentine friends, Plato allows himself to be convinced( 339 -a-e). +Tarentine friends, Plato allows himself to be convinced (339 a--e). There follows what one writer (Ritter) calls a philosophical digression into the nature of the process wherein philosophy is "imparted" so that the student will - - -_gsee a "marvellous road" open before him (340 b,c). Here - - - +see a "marvellous road" open before him (340 b,c). Here we have a recapitulation of some of the thoughts Plato - - -had set down in the Phaedo and in the Republic, where he - - +had set down in the \bt{Phaedo} and in the \ul{Republic}, where he described how the soul, reflecting on herself, sees a whole new realm (340 d). @@ -2145,9 +1597,7 @@ mine on the subject" says Plato, in what seems at first to be a deep paradox. What can a philosopher mean whose Magnificent dramatic dialogues are revered as perhaps the highest insights ever written? Is it all a game? The -key to this, is to be found in the Seventh Letter, which - - +key to this, is to be found in the \ul{Seventh Letter}, which explains to the friends of Dion that Plato never fell from honor and was not among the murderers of Dion nor among the followers or participants in the horrible rule of @@ -2159,28 +1609,25 @@ not save Dion from an unjust fate. To the claim of Dionysius that he was learning philosophy from the one lesson Plato had given him and -that he was in fact producing learned treatises of originality and brilliance, Plato responds not only that his +that he was in fact producing learned treatises of originality +and brilliance, Plato responds not only that his philosophy can't be taught in a few lessons, but that its deepest meanings cannot be taught at all, but must be experienced as a fire which is enkindled in the soul after an arduous preliminary regimen in the company of - - -\. - - - - teachers who have been so inflamed (341 d,e). -If philosophy cannot be taught as a series of learnable propositions, how can one expect to learn it in +If philosophy cannot be taught as a series of learnable +propositions, how can one expect to learn it in writings and disquisitions? To bolster this argument and to derive it from higher knowledge, Plato launches into a -short essay on the steps and stages on the way to philosophical insight. There are, he says, three preliminary +short essay on the steps and stages on the way to philosophical +insight. There are, he says, three preliminary steps and two later stages through which philosophical -knowledge is imparted (342 a), o8 +knowledge is imparted (342 a).\pnote{1.68} -the "instruments" of this process are names, definitions, and images (eidola). Names are notoriously flighty +The "instruments" of this process are names, definitions, +and images (\e{eidola}). Names are notoriously flighty and subject to the winds of change and fashion. Definitions are frequently contradictory and refer to aspects which shift. Images may be drawn and fashioned at will but what @@ -2192,23 +1639,14 @@ the first three, (names, definitions, and images) one cannot even aspire to the fourth, (knowledge of the thing) much less the fifth. It is much the same with the Good, the Beautiful, the Just, Bodies, even Characters of the - - -65 not learned. Plato is talking about the -communication of philosophy, not the stating of it, nor -the acquisition of it, but the process in which, so to -speak, philosophy happens. - - - -‘soul, and with all that is done or suffered (342 e). : +soul, and with all that is done or suffered (342 e). Plato distrusts the fixity and unchangeable character of language as he hesitates to put down in words which seem firm and clear what cannot be grasped so easily (343 a). Words, definitions, and images contain much that is opposite to the things themselves (343 b). Philosophy is so -hard that men satisfy themselves with images. ©9 Most men +hard that men satisfy themselves with images.\pnote{69} Most men cannot study philosophy, and even those who do, find it hard if not impossible to speak of. Perhaps, after the preliminaries of words, definitions, and images, a birth @@ -2228,31 +1666,23 @@ he implies, are images drawn for your information, but they are not philosophy, in its deepest sense (344 c). Moreover, Plato tells his readers that his reverence - - for the truth is such that he will not entrust it to - - -69 See the Cave Allegory of the Republic 507. F - - - vehicles. That which is inexpressibly beautiful should not be dragged down in homely expression. The inner harmony of philosophy will not mix with the discordant decadence of Dionysian politics. On the other hand, once truths of this sort have been experienced, there is no need to write them down because there is no danger of forgetting them. Once -posessed, they live on (344d). So ends the "philosophical +posessed, they live on (344 d). So ends the "philosophical digression." Plato returns to his history of the events of his third stay in Sicily. He is implored to stay on by -Dionysius’ promise to restore Dion's property and income. +Dionysius' promise to restore Dion's property and income. Plato is asked to remain for a while to consider the plan, but while he does so, the last trade ships leave and the -season for travel comes to an end. (He has been tricked) -(346). After the ships are gone, Dionysius sells Dion's +season for travel comes to an end (346). (He has been tricked.) +After the ships are gone, Dionysius sells Dion's property (347). Plato is told that Herakleides will not be harmed, even though he led a guard's revolt for higher pay, but again Dionysius goes back on his promise. Plato is @@ -2260,18 +1690,13 @@ ousted from the palace gardens on the pretext that they are needed for a festival (349). Plato begins to realize that his friendship for Dion -4s disadvantageous, that he no longer shares the tyrant's +is disadvantageous, that he no longer shares the tyrant's confidence, that he is no longer useful, either to himself or to the tyrant, and that his friends at the court are gradually being arrested. He sends for help to Archytas (350). A trireme of - - -_thirty oars is sent, with Lamiskos, a Pythagorean, in - - - +thirty oars is sent, with Lamiskos, a Pythagorean, in command. Plato is taken to Dion, who immediately plots revenge against Dionysius II. This time, Plato pleads not to be included, because of his advanced age, and because @@ -2288,67 +1713,41 @@ necessary to explain the paradoxical turn of events in Sicily, and he hopes he has done so (352). Since reputable scholars have agreed that the -Seventh Letter is Plato's own, and since, in all probability +\ul{Seventh Letter} is Plato's own, and since, in all probability it was written between 354 and 353, we must place it in the late period. We should expect the extraordinary experiences of Plato's Sicilian travels to have a marked influence on the doctrine of those dialogues written after the travels - - -which the Seventh Letter record. - +which the \ul{Seventh Letter} record. However, in order to show what influences these - - -experiences had on the doctrine of the Timaeus, it is - - +experiences had on the doctrine of the \ul{Timaeus}, it is first necessary to pass in review the doctrines of the - -dialogues between the Republic and the Timaeus. This task +dialogues between the \ul{Republic} and the \ul{Timaeus}. This task is the burden of the following chapter. It is possible at -this point only to anticipate how the Seventh Letter leads - - +this point only to anticipate how the \ul{Seventh Letter} leads us to expect that the Timaeus will reveal the influence of - - -_Plato's Sicilian experiences. - - +Plato's Sicilian experiences. Thus, there is confirmatory evidence to be derived - - -from the Seventh Letter for the view that the Timaeus is a - - +from the \ul{Seventh Letter} for the view that the \ul{Timaeus} is a late dialogue. This is indicated in the statement (at 344c) that even if a great writer were to write a treatise on laws and if such a treatise were to come to the attention of the Sicilians, it should not be regarded as philosophy but as a set of images. The fact that this statement is put in the hypothetical future seems to indicate that the -Laws have not yet been written (at least, not completed). -If the Laws is Plato's last effort, and if the Timaeus - - -is as closely related to the Laws as the stylistic criteria - - +\ul{Laws} have not yet been written (at least, not completed). +If the \ul{Laws} is Plato's last effort, and if the \ul{Timaeus} +is as closely related to the \ul{Laws} as the stylistic criteria indicate, this statement would seem to indicate that the - - -letter itself was written before both the Timaeus and the - - -Laws. We have already cited evidence for this view. +letter itself was written before both the \ul{Timaeus} and the +\ul{Laws}. We have already cited evidence for this view. It 18 the business of the next chapter to spell out the doctrinal criteria on which this same conclusion can be reached. There, the relevence of the doctrinal points -of the Seventh Letter will be introduced. +of the \ul{Seventh Letter} will be introduced. Perhaps it is not inexcusable to ask the reader to recall at this point that the division of the initial @@ -2357,78 +1756,41 @@ this point, only dealt with one half of the argument, and that both halves are necessary to establish the hypothesis. Thus, one concludes from this chapter that the external sources, individually and collectively, point to the -Timaeus as a late work. It now needs to be demonstrated -ithat the doctrine of the Timaeus is a late doctrine. - - - +\ul{Timaeus} as a late work. It now needs to be demonstrated +that the doctrine of the \ul{Timaeus} is a late doctrine. Thereafter, it will be shown that in the doctrine of the - - -Timaeus we find not only a later doctrine than its - - +\ul{Timaeus} we find not only a later doctrine than its predecessors, but a more developed doctrine, consisting of -@ culmination and synthesia of the themes of eternity, +a culmination and synthesia of the themes of eternity, image, and time. - -V__Conclusion - +\secc Conclusion I conclude this chapter with the conviction that the -Timaeus is a late dialogue, probably written after Plato's +\ul{Timaeus} is a late dialogue, probably written after Plato's Sicilian adventures. It is difficult to fix a precise date for its composition. It is certainly after the first two Sicilian adventures and certainly before 347, the year of -Plato's death. /° stylistic criteria place it in the same -age grouping as the Laws. This makes it probable that the -Laws and the Timaeus occupied Plato's attention alternately - - -during the same set of years. This means that the Timaeus -trilogy and the Laws were both written in the last years -of Plato's life. I think it is probable that the Timaeus - - +Plato's death.\pnote{1.70} stylistic criteria place it in the same +age grouping as the \ul{Laws}. This makes it probable that the +\ul{Laws} and the \ul{Timaeus} occupied Plato's attention alternately +during the same set of years. This means that the \ul{Timaeus} +trilogy and the \ul{Laws} were both written in the last years +of Plato's life. I think it is probable that the \ul{Timaeus} was written after the third Sicilian adventure, after Plato's indebtedness to the Tarentine Pythagoreans had increased a great deal. I feel no need to separate the -Laws, the Seventh Letter, and the Timaeug more precisely +\ul{Laws}, the \ul{Seventh Letter}, and the \bt{Timaeus} more precisely because I think that work on all three of them could have proceded together, yet I feel it is probable that the - - -Seventh Letter precedes the completion of the Laws and - - -70 4.e., it 48 in all probability not a posthumous -edition. - - -Ln - - - - - -the Timaeus. Cornford's hypothesis that Plato stopped in - - -the middle of the Critias in order to complete the Laws is - - +\ul{Seventh Letter} precedes the completion of the \ul{Laws} and +the \ul{Timaeus}. Cornford's hypothesis that Plato stopped in +the middle of the \ul{Critias} in order to complete the \ul{Laws} is especially attractive. - - - -CHAPTER III -THE DOCTRINE OF THE DIALOGUES - - -Introduction +\sec The Doctrine of the Dialogues +\secc Introduction In the foregoing chapter, the chronology of the @@ -2745,9 +2107,9 @@ Socrates relates the need for harmony in the soul; the images of this harmony in the particular instances of music and gymnastics are not directly his concern. -‘This is true because it behooves a man, and a state, +'This is true because it behooves a man, and a state, to be a unity, whereas a skill in a large number of -particulars strains unity. ‘thus, each class in the state +particulars strains unity. 'thus, each class in the state has one and only one function, just as each man in the state will have one and only one occupation. Thus for the shoemaker to fight will be unjust, just as the fighter @@ -3140,7 +2502,7 @@ an attempt on Plato's part to plumb not only the depths of things but to discern their origins. The Myth of goes beyond the Pythagorean myth of political philosophy in that it is meant to be a brief cosmogony, not just the -origin of this or that political form. ‘'o those who search +origin of this or that political form. ''o those who search the Republic for a literal political philosophy and its correlations with the soul, it might seem strange that the Republic should end on a note of myth. However, to @@ -3421,7 +2783,7 @@ the ideas of which I was just now speaking, and busy myself with them (130 d). -Parmenides responds that this is due to Socrates’ youth, +Parmenides responds that this is due to Socrates' youth, and that a time will come when philosophy will have a firmer grasp. @@ -3542,7 +2904,7 @@ less than the basis of the theory of Forms to a searching critique. The first hypothesis of the eight is said to be -Parmenides’ own One; if this sort of One is, it cannot be +Parmenides' own One; if this sort of One is, it cannot be many (137 c). From this it follows that it has no parts, no beginning, middle, end, is not like or unlike itself or another, is neither same nor different, is neither at rest @@ -4070,7 +3432,7 @@ knowledge, for, in a sense, knowing is relearning what we -‘knew before (198 e). Yet, if we ask whether some of these +'knew before (198 e). Yet, if we ask whether some of these recollections might not also be false, we see that the criterion of true knowledge remains to be found (200 b). @@ -4149,7 +3511,7 @@ define what knowledge is. Actually, we have said several -‘things about what it is not, and therefore Theatetus has +'things about what it is not, and therefore Theatetus has made progress along the "long way" which is required for this sort of knowledge. That is why the last words of the dialogue are "But tomorrow morning, Theatetus, let us @@ -4319,7 +3681,7 @@ existence of what is not. The word which Parmenides forbade Must be uttered - not-being (237 a). No sooner do we distinguish the image from the reality than we distinguish notebeing from being. At this point, Plato leaps beyond the -level of Parmenides’ and of his own earlier philosophy, and +level of Parmenides' and of his own earlier philosophy, and reaches out into virgin territory. And at this point, Plato's most crucial discussion of the meaning of the word @@ -4628,7 +3990,7 @@ living things, which live on land, who are hornless, who do not interbreed with other classes of animals, and who are two-footed. But the Stranger is not satisfied (267a,b,c). For, unlike the shepherd, the Statesman's right to rule is -disputed by the herd. A new beginning must be made. ‘the +disputed by the herd. A new beginning must be made. 'the Stranger announces that he will approach the subject by employing a myth. But the Stranger says that his tale is not to be a retelling of the familiar myth of Kronos, but @@ -4640,7 +4002,7 @@ Many, which he presents and criticises, respectively, in the Parmenides and the Sophist. We shall see that even the myth of Kronos shall be transcended in the Timaeus. -‘the Stranger tells us that the universe was once +'the Stranger tells us that the universe was once helped in its rotation by the god who framed it in the beginning, but that it completed its circle of rotation and then set itself in rotation in the opposite direction. @@ -4976,7 +4338,7 @@ Ls -‘and ita results are that the Statesman must have a real +'and ita results are that the Statesman must have a real knowledge of the rotation of the universe in order to ascertain the right time for the right kind of image of the ruler. There are certain necessities of cosmic motion @@ -5034,7 +4396,7 @@ light of Plato's later reflections. hus, 1t is agreed that unity and diversity of pleasures is "the same old argument" (13 c). Somehow, the unity and diversity of pleasure must be understood, not in the old way, but in a -new way. ‘he key to the new way is the principle of +new way. 'he key to the new way is the principle of Difference. It is said that this principle of Difference is a @@ -5108,7 +4470,7 @@ will take place on a higher plane than it had heretofore. As usual, Plato begins a difficult investigation by focusing on the practical face of the deeper problem. Notice too that these questions about pleasure and wisdom are not -mere allegories or childrens’ stories; they are the points +mere allegories or childrens' stories; they are the points of departure. Plato intends, as we shall see, to apply the method of division, which he has been perfecting in @@ -5413,7 +4775,7 @@ example, the application of the method of division to the universe, which was only briefly and partially done in this dialogue. -This much, however is certain. ‘he Philebus begins +This much, however is certain. 'he Philebus begins with the extension of the method of division to the realm of pleasure and knowledge of pleasure. The purist position that either pleasure or mind must be affirmed as the best @@ -5425,7 +4787,7 @@ it is agreed, no longer captures philosophic interest. -‘The isolated eternality of the forms, modified by the +'The isolated eternality of the forms, modified by the Sophist and the Statesman, is further modified by the assertion that pleasures or any Form or class cannot be both good and alone. | @@ -5466,7 +4828,7 @@ subjected to the criticism of the Parmenides. There we are | told that the naive view of the Forms as separated from what appears to us leads to logically untenable positions, from a series of unreal instants to hypostasizing none -existence. A hint of the doctrine of notetime emerges. ‘the +existence. A hint of the doctrine of notetime emerges. 'the Theatetus informs us that we must examine the reality of @@ -5645,7 +5007,7 @@ Dialogen Platos, p. rey -‘who do not mix the functions of the others into their own +'who do not mix the functions of the others into their own allotted lives, just as the Forms on which their respective perfections are based do not mix or combine. @@ -5657,7 +5019,7 @@ desire to watch them in motion and actively exercising the powers promised by their form" (19b,c). Two features of this statement are particularly -remarkable. First, we notice Socrates’ apparent indecision +remarkable. First, we notice Socrates' apparent indecision as to whether he is looking at a painting (a mere copy) or at real animals who are motionless ( a genuine image but motionless). Second, it is unusual to see Socrates admit @@ -5854,7 +5216,7 @@ the era just before the last catastrophe, and that present -‘Athenians are descended from their seed. (24) +'Athenians are descended from their seed. (24) The priest describes the Egyptian caste system of priests, craftemen, and soldiers, in which system each @@ -5888,7 +5250,7 @@ pp. 244 ff. -‘Atlantic, perhaps from America. © +'Atlantic, perhaps from America. © It 4s interesting to forecast the almost exact thematic parallel of the tale of the Egyptian priest and @@ -5898,7 +5260,7 @@ the healing of society, as, for example, in his repeated comparisons of the statesman to the physician. Critias himself tells Socrates that he is surprised -to notice how Socrates’ story (the recapitulation of +to notice how Socrates' story (the recapitulation of Republic doctrines) and the tale of Atlantis resemble each other in so many details (25e). Critias had expected that it would be difficult to find a basis for their conversation of today, and so he carefully rehearsed the story of @@ -5932,7 +5294,7 @@ material for the discourse of Timaeus. Critias himself says -‘he has only approached the main points when he says: +'he has only approached the main points when he says: We will transfer the state you (Socrates) described @@ -5954,7 +5316,7 @@ made in the beginning of the Timaeus, and this is confirmed by the statement that Critias' story will serve only as -material for today's discourse. For, if Critias’ story +material for today's discourse. For, if Critias' story were not only the basis but was in fact the perfect match @@ -5980,12 +5342,12 @@ Critias will start from the origin of man and carry the -‘account to the birth of Athens. In this way, the actual +'account to the birth of Athens. In this way, the actual origins of society will be discovered. Interestingly, no mention is made of the proposed content of the Hermocrates. Once before, Plato hinted at a projected trilogy, and seems not to have completed the third dialogue. Perhaps, as before, we shall learn so much in the -two dialogues that the third seems unnecessary.’ Or perhaps +two dialogues that the third seems unnecessary.' Or perhaps Plato wrote the Laws instead. In any case, the point at issue is whether the fitting of the Republic's citizens into the ancient Athenian polis suffices to describe the @@ -6017,13 +5379,13 @@ University). -‘Statesman, etc. Such a linearization of Plato's philosophy +'Statesman, etc. Such a linearization of Plato's philosophy leaves everything behind in which case we should read only the Laws and dismiss all else as preliminary introduction. -In the next section, we shall confront Timaeus’ own +In the next section, we shall confront Timaeus' own introduction, and as we shall see, he connects his remarks to the general introductory remarks we have just discussed. II_ The Role of Image 27c-29d @@ -6117,11 +5479,11 @@ was in fact said in other words. But now this doctrine must be generalized and tested on a cosmological scale. Therefore, --Timaeus uses the phrase, "concerning the whole ‘heaven’ or +-Timaeus uses the phrase, "concerning the whole 'heaven' or -‘world’ (not heaven and world)..." (27b), parenthetically +'world' (not heaven and world)..." (27b), parenthetically adding that the name can be chosen to suit heaven itself. It @@ -6161,7 +5523,7 @@ cause" (28c). Next comes the often quoted statement "The maker and -‘father of this universe it is a hard task to find, and +'father of this universe it is a hard task to find, and @@ -6198,7 +5560,7 @@ aid several times that these myths are for children, but, -‘evidently, he has underestimated his own age. This relates +'evidently, he has underestimated his own age. This relates directly to the whole purpose of the dialogue, which is to replace what Plato regards as dangerous fantasies about the ultimate origins of the universe, with a more rational @@ -6234,7 +5596,7 @@ spoken without blasphemy..." (29). Plato is caught between two extreme difficulties: on the one hand the childish myths must be corrected, but -‘this might be regarded by the people as blasphemy; on the +'this might be regarded by the people as blasphemy; on the other hand, the people to whom Plato wishes to speak the correction cannot understand the deeper truths behind the myths, so that he has to put them in examples which are not @@ -6493,7 +5855,7 @@ similarly divided the kinds of production in two (265b) -‘whereas it is clear that there are several kinds of +'whereas it is clear that there are several kinds of production stated theres human and divine, fantasy ad image, proportional and non-proportional. This is especially important, because the Sophist divides genuine production @@ -6926,7 +6288,7 @@ Taylor first determines that Plato has said that the world clearly must have had an eternal model but that the world itself is mutable. Then he says, "This is virtually what Whitehead means when he says in his own -terminology that objects are ‘angredient'"!9 in events. +terminology that objects are 'angredient'"!9 in events. From this he draws the inference that Plato insists on a provisional character of representation because the senses only perceive roughly, and because it takes a long time for @@ -7075,7 +6437,7 @@ the divisions of the Philebus into the far more general topic of cosmology. But he fails to see that the Timaeus -does not merely apply the Philebus’ doctrine to cosmology; +does not merely apply the Philebus' doctrine to cosmology; the Timaeus seeks a broader generalization of insight, @@ -7497,7 +6859,7 @@ traditional fire and earth, and then the third which unites them, "for two cannot be satisfactorily united without a third" (31b). -Here Taliaferro'’s brilliant analysis of Plato's +Here Taliaferro''s brilliant analysis of Plato's Pythagoreanism is apropos. He shows how the necessity of @@ -7545,7 +6907,7 @@ to be one of the latter sort, since his Timaeus portrays the metaphysical origins of the Universe, in such a fashion -that Timaeus’ account manages to create dramatic suspense. +that Timaeus' account manages to create dramatic suspense. Since the Universe is visible, it must be bodily, and that which is bodily must have come to be. But, the @@ -7886,7 +7248,7 @@ regard Plato's deep concern that it is, after all, impossible to reveal the make 8 George S. Claghorn, Aristotle's Criticism of Plato's -'Timaeus’ (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1954), p. Bf. +'Timaeus' (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1954), p. Bf. ett. @@ -8149,7 +7511,7 @@ history of opinions with no care about their relevance or utility to contemporary experience. Plato had no Galileo to instruct him, nor a Newton. Furthermore, the invention of the telescope and the mass spectrometer have outmoded -most of Plato’s astronomy. But it is interesting to note +most of Plato's astronomy. But it is interesting to note that Plato looked to astronomy as a case in point. For, if the World-Soul united the Same and the Different within 4tself, and if the World-Soul, by reason of its superior @@ -8387,7 +7749,7 @@ called an aesthesis, which, unlike the English word "judgment," extends to feeling and to the appreciation of -beauty as well as of truth. This capacity to Know aesthetic‘ally is of the utmost significance in Plato's Universe, and +beauty as well as of truth. This capacity to Know aesthetic'ally is of the utmost significance in Plato's Universe, and it is especially necessary for a consideration of the next topic to which Plato addresses himself, namely, time. For @@ -8847,7 +8209,7 @@ moving image. The second aspect of the moving image is the everlasting character of its motion. Again, we have been furnished with the material to construct an understanding of -this characteristic. ‘e have already called attention to +this characteristic. 'e have already called attention to Plato's optimism in his use of the word "ceaseless," by which he seems to indicate that the Universe must resemble eternity by being indestructible. This feature of the @@ -9022,12 +8384,12 @@ spoken of the Unity of Time. He says that there were no days and nights, or months and years, before the Universe came to be, and that all of these came into being simultaneously. However, he says -All these are parts of Time, and ‘was' and ‘shall be' +All these are parts of Time, and 'was' and 'shall be' are forms of Time that have come to be; we are wrong to transfer them unthinkingly to eternal being. We say that it was and is and shall be but '1is' alone really belongs to it and describes it truly; 'was' -and ‘shall be’ are properly used of becoming which +and 'shall be' are properly used of becoming which proceeds in Time, for they are motions (37e). There is much that is important in this passage, but @@ -9520,7 +8882,7 @@ pantry for the broom only because there is a light in the pantry, when, in fact, the broom is in a darker but more -‘spacious room in the attic. +'spacious room in the attic. @@ -9776,7 +9138,7 @@ once possible to say that Plato viewed the eternal as the only source of perfection and viewed the temporal realm of becoming as the source of imperfection, it now emerges that Plato has made a sharp distinction between incessant -becoming, which is indeed less than perfect, and ‘time, +becoming, which is indeed less than perfect, and 'time, which brings perfection even to becoming. When becoming 1s ordered by Time it is no longer merely incessant, nor only a ceaseless and perpetual fluxion of chaotic changes, @@ -9884,7 +9246,7 @@ Timaeus describes which cannot be ignored, and, while it is true to say that our modern notion of process is -‘richer by far and more concrete than ever a Greek could +'richer by far and more concrete than ever a Greek could @@ -10001,7 +9363,7 @@ insofar as they attain perfection to the extent that it is possible to attain it at the time. In this way, another of the frequently asserted opinions about the world of the Greeks is found wanting. In conversation with philosophers, -‘one frequently hears that there were no genuine individuals +'one frequently hears that there were no genuine individuals in the Greek world, since genuine individuality would scandalize the Greek notion of an ordered and predictable world. We must clarify the statement that there is individuality in the Greek world; a more accurate statement would @@ -10294,7 +9656,7 @@ American Catholic Sociological Review. XXII, No. 2, Milwaukee: Marquette University Press, 1961, pp. 143 ff. -Gomperz, Theodor. Greek Thinkers. trans. G.G. ery. +Gompers, Theodor. Greek Thinkers. trans. G.G. ery. Londons John Murray, 1! ° @@ -10310,7 +9672,7 @@ Harper & Brothers, 1955. Hempel, Carl G. "Fundamentals of Concept Formation in Empirical Science," International Encyclopaedia of Unified Science, vols. 1 and 11; Foundations of -The Unit f ‘Science, vol. II, No. 7. University +The Unit f 'Science, vol. II, No. 7. University of Chicago Press, 1952. @@ -10378,7 +9740,7 @@ Clarendon Press, 192%. - "Plato," Encyclopaedia britannica. XVIII. Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, inc., 1957. -- Plato: ‘the Man and His Work. 6th ed. 5th +- Plato: 'the Man and His Work. 6th ed. 5th print. New York: Meridian books, Inc., 1959. @@ -10387,7 +9749,7 @@ Washington: Pantheon Books inc., 1952. Walsh, W.H. "Plato and the Philosophy of History: -History and ‘theory in the Kepublic," History and +History and 'theory in the Kepublic," History and Theory, II, No. 1 (1962), pp. 1-16. |